Tenth Amendment Center: Federal Reserve Chair Short List? More of the Same!


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

by Ron Paul

This week President Trump revealed his final five candidates for Federal Reserve chair. Disappointingly, but not surprisingly, all five have strong ties to the financial and political establishment. The leading candidates are former Federal Reserve governor and Morgan Stanley banker Kevin Warsh and current Fed governor, former investment banker, Carlyle Group partner, and George H.W. Bush administration official Jerome Powell. Gary Cohn, current director of the president’s National Economic Council and former president of Goldman Sachs, is also on Trump’s list.

Trump is also considering reappointing Janet Yellen, even though when he was running for president he repeatedly criticized her for pursuing policies harmful to the middle class. Of course candidate Trump also promised to support Audit the Fed and even voiced support for returning to the gold standard. But, he has not even uttered the words “Audit the Fed,” or talked about any changes to monetary policy, since the election.

Instead, President Trump, in complete contradiction to candidate Trump, has praised Yellen for being a “low-interest-rate-person.” One reason Trump may have changed his position is that, like most first-term presidents, he thinks low interest rates will help him win reelection. Trump may also realize that his welfare and warfare spending plans require an accommodative Fed to monetize the federal debt. The truth is President Trump’s embrace of status quo monetary policy could prove fatal to both his presidency and the American economy.

The failure of the Fed’s post-2008 policies of unprecedented money creation and record-low interest rates shows our experiment with fiat money is nearing its inevitable end. All of Trump’s potential picks are likely to continue the Fed’s current policies. Even the ones who say they favor higher rates will likely bow to the wishes of their friends in the financial and political establishment and make sure any rate hikes are minuscule. Appointing a Fed chair who will continue, or only make marginal changes to, these failed policies will hasten the collapse while making the resulting depression more painful.

Some say that Trump could make a radical change in monetary policy by appointing Stanford University professor and former George W. Bush administration Treasury official John Taylor. Professor Taylor is a leading advocate of a “rules-based” monetary policy. Advocates of forcing the Fed to follow specific rules say this will bring stability and predictability to monetary policy. However, a rules-based policy still allows the Fed to control the money supply and distort interest rates, thus still plaguing the economy with Fed-created bubbles and busts.

Trump would do well to appoint a Fed chair who follows the teachings of the Austrian school of economics and thus understands that the only thing the Fed can do to “fix” the economy is allow the correction to run its course. He should also use his bully pulpit to pass Audit the Fed and legislation legalizing competing currencies.

Fortunately, even if Trump is not speaking out on Audit the Fed, many Americans are demanding that Congress vote on and pass this bill. An increasing number of Americans are seeking alternatives to the Federal Reserve System, such as precious metals and cyber currency.

Another positive development is occurring in the states. Arizona recently passed legislation recognizing gold, silver, and other precious metals as legal tender. Wyoming will consider similar legislation next year. If Congress refuses to act to restore a free market in money by auditing and ending the Fed, more states are likely to pass these laws as more Americans reject fiat currency in favor of real money.


Tenth Amendment Center
October 24, 2017 at 12:24AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Alabama Bill Would Eliminate Marriage Licenses, Nullify Federal Control in Practice


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

MONTGOMERY, Ala. (Oct. 23, 2017) – A bill prefiled in the Alabama Senate would abolish marriage licenses in the state and effectively nullify in practice both major sides of the contentious national debate over government-sanctioned marriage.

Sen. Greg Albritton (R-Bay Minette) prefiled Senate Bill 13 (SB13) in September. The legislation would abolish all requirements to obtain a marriage license in Alabama. Instead, probate judges would simply record civil contracts of marriage between two individuals based on signed affidavits.

According to the bill summary, SB13 would “eliminate the requirement for solemnization of a marriage for it to be considered valid” and “specify that the judge of probate would have no authority to reject any recording of a marriage, so long as the affidavits, forms, and data are provided. must record certain affidavits, forms, and data regarding the marriage.”

During the 2017 legislative session, Albritton introduced a similar bill. The Senate approved SB20 by a 22-6 vote, and the House Judiciary Committee approved the legislation 10-4 along party lines with some technical amendments. However, it failed to get a vote in the full House. A similar outcome occurred in the 2016 legislative session.

The proposed law would maintain a few state requirements governing marriage. Minors between the ages of 16 and 18 would have to obtain parental permission before marrying, the state would not record a marriage if either party was already married, and the parties could not be related by blood or adoption as already stipulated in state law.

Civil or religious ceremonies would have no legal effect upon the validity of the marriage. The state would only recognize the legal contract signed by the two parties entering into the marriage.

In practice, the state’s role in marriage would be limited to recording marriages that have already occurred.

This would be a return to the traditional Western custom in which the state had little to no involvement in marriage, even though it was a legal contract as well as a religious institution. Marriage in medieval Europe technically fell under the legal jurisdiction of the Catholic Church, with priests officiating weddings at the door of the community church. However, it was ultimately a private arrangement that did not require a third party in order to be considered legitimate.

In “The Middle Ages: Everyday Life in Medieval Europe,” Jeffrey Singman writes that proposed marriages were announced at the parish church of both persons for three Sundays, but this was in order to ensure problems such as preexisting marriage agreements did not arise. Still, “not every marriage followed these formalities.”

Singman writes:

According to canon law, marriage could be contracted either by a vow of marriage expressed in the present tense or by a statement of future intent to marriage followed by sexual consummation. The latter sort of marriage in particular could take place without the participation of church or community. Such marriages were illegal, but not invalid; the although the couple might be prosecuted in the church courts, they remained legally marriage.”

In fact, state marriage licenses were initially used as a way to prevent interracial marriages. As a 2007 New York Times op/ed points out, licenses later became necessary in order to subsidize the welfare state.

“The Social Security Act provided survivors’ benefits with proof of marriage. Employers used marital status to determine whether they would provide health insurance or pension benefits to employees’ dependents. Courts and hospitals required a marriage license before granting couples the privilege of inheriting from each other or receiving medical information.”

In a modern political context, SB13 would reduce the state’s role in defining and regulating marriage, which has become a contentious issue and places a burden on government officials torn between the legal requirements of their jobs and their personal religious convictions. By limiting the state’s role in marriage, the legislation would allow Alabamans to structure their personal relationships as they see fit without interference or approval from the government.

Something rarely considered by those seeking to control the state’s definition of marriage is that a marriage license means a person requires government permission before getting married. In America, people generally cannot drive a vehicle without a license. People cannot practice law without a license, nor can they provide medical care. Put another way, under a licensing scheme, marriage is not a right, nor a religious institution, but a privilege granted by the state and limited by its requirements.

Consider this: In the same way a driver can lose their license if they break certain traffic laws, a man or woman, theoretically, could one day find their marriage license revoked for breaking certain “marriage” rules, whether it pertains to child rearing, or their religious and political convictions.

Christopher Wesley, an associated scholar at the Mises Institute, wrote that “marriage is most endangered when it rests in the coercive hands of the State.”

Constitutionally, marriage is an issue left to the state and the people.

Removing state meddling in marriage would render void the edicts of federal judges that have overturned state laws defining the institution. The founding generation never envisioned unelected judges issuing ex-cathedra pronouncements regarding the definition of social institutions, and the Constitution delegates the federal judiciary no authority to do so.

UP NEXT

SB13 will be officially introduced Jan. 9, 2018. At that time, it will be referred to a Senate committee where it will need to pass by a majority vote before moving to the full Senate for consideration.

 


TJ Martinell
October 23, 2017 at 02:05PM

Tenth Amendment Center: State Action Needed to Address Proposed National Student Database


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

A bipartisan push in Congress could lead to a national database containing personally identifiable information on college students. States can act now to limit collection and sharing of such data to stop this unconstitutional threat to privacy.

The Higher Education Act of 2008 banned federal educational databases containing personal identifiable data. But there is an ongoing push to lift the ban and allow the Department of Education to gather and store large amounts of information on post-secondary students.

The Bush administration first proposed a federal student unit-record system in 2005. A coalition of organizations, including the ACLU, Parents Across America  and the Parent Coalition for Student Privacy recently sent a letter to the federal Commission on Evidence-Based Policymaking opposing any type of federal database.

“We strongly oppose any proposal that would lead to the creation of a central federal clearinghouse or linked data sets containing the personally identifiable information (“PII”) of all students, commonly referred to as a federal student unit-record system or national database. We cannot overstate the threat to student privacy that would be posed by the development of such a database, including breach, malicious attack, or use of student PII for purposes not initially intended.”

According to the coalition, K-12 student data currently collected by state departments of education in statewide longitudinal data systems (SLDS) that would potentially be shared with the federal database generally extend well beyond traditional administrative data to include upwards of 700 specific personal data elements, including students’ immigrant status, disabilities, disciplinary incidents, and homelessness status.

“Data collected ostensibly for the sole purpose of research but without the individual’s consent or knowledge would likely be merged with other federal agency data sets, to follow students into the workplace and beyond, and could include data from their military service, tax returns, criminal and health records. If this granular level of sensitive information were available in a universal U.S. student record database, it could quickly become a go-to repository for purposes that should never be allowed.”

A bipartisan coalition in Congress has emerged in support of eliminating the federal ban on collecting this kind of information. Private organizations have also joined the push. The Gates Foundation said last fall that collecting data on student-level outcomes was one of its key higher ed priorities for the coming year.

NULLIFY THROUGH STATE ACTION

Depending on Congress to protect privacy isn’t the best plan. With pressure building to lift the ban and create a student database, it will probably happen.

Of course, the federal government doesn’t have any authority to create an educational database to begin with. In fact, the Department of Education is an unconstitutional federal agency. The Constitution delegates no power authorizing to the feds to involve themselves in education at all. That power remains exclusively with state and local governments.

Despite the federal government’s unconstitutional usurpation, there is a way states can effectively nullify any federal plan to build a national student database. They can just not collect the information, or refuse to share it with the feds.

The federal government will undoubtedly need state and local agencies to gather and share information for any national database. If the states prohibit data collection, there won’t be any data to share. State agencies could also anonymize any data they collect, or limit sharing to keep personal information out of federal hands.

States should act now to protect the privacy of their students, and ensure information does not end up in some unconstitutional federal database. Simple legislation to prohibit or limit data collection at the state level, and to limit the retention and sharing of any data collected, can nix this proposed federal information collection before it gets started.


Mike Maharrey
October 23, 2017 at 11:57AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Putting Everything in Context; We’ve Come a Long Way


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center
I’m currently working on a project that has reminded me just how far the Tenth Amendment Center and the nullification movement have come in the last several years. Earlier this month, I started working on the 2017 State of the Nullification Report. We like to think of it as a prospectus, of sorts – an…
Mike Maharrey
October 23, 2017 at 11:17AM

Tenth Amendment Center: The Original Constitution Is Now “Extreme”


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

We have gotten to this point in American life. I predicted it when I wrote The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Founding Fathers.

If you admire the founding generation or the Constitution, you are “extreme.”

How do we know this? Because three “esteemed” law professors tell us this is the case.

Their aim was Senate candidate Roy Moore, whose participation in the 2010 Tenth Amendment Summit in Atlanta, GA served as the backdrop for a thinly veiled hit piece at CNN, home of “fake news.”

Moore is a…gasp…”Tenther.”

What the heck does that mean, anyway? Jefferson would be a “Tenther.” So would Madison and a host of other members of the founding generation.

They also supported the Third Amendment. Does that make them a “Thirder?” Do we call people who support the Fifth Amendment “Fifthers?”

Stupid. But what else can you expect from this brain dead crowd.

Even more hilarious was the fact that the authors of the piece probably weren’t aware that Moore was citing Patrick Henry’s “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death” speech in his talk to the audience that day. They recognized lines from the Declaration, but not Henry’s. Even so, is Patrick Henry now “extreme?”

This would be laughable if it weren’t so sad. I get into this in more detail in Episode 120 of The Brion McClanahan Show.


Brion McClanahan
October 23, 2017 at 10:04AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Let the States Decide on Concealed Carry


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

Back in August, Suzanne Sherman and Carl Jones outlined why the National Concealed Carry Reciprocity Bill would be a Trojan horse for the Federal government. Today, it is more important than ever that we let states decide this issue on their own. And I’ll explain why.

When I first decided to start carrying a gun, I took all necessary measures to ensure that I was going to be a responsible, law-abiding gun owner. I went for training. I read any and all literature I could find on the subject. And I familiarized myself with the gun laws in my home state.

First and foremost, I applied for a concealed carry permit. Residing as I do in the great State of Virginia, such preparation wasn’t really a requirement. To receive a five-year concealed carry license, all that was required of me was to fill out a form, get it notarized and send it to the applicable department with a check for fifty dollars and a copy of my hunter’s safety card.

There were no laws in place to prevent me from obtaining a permit and legally carrying, even if I had never received any proper firearm training. As long as I could prove that I had competently hunted, no special self-defense or concealed carry courses would have had to be completed.

While it’s all well-and-good for Virginia to be so lenient when it comes to its gun ownership standards and to trust their residents to train on their own time, there is the larger question of whether an individual should be able to use their state-issued permit, under federal law, to carry their gun in more gun-restrictive states…especially if it’s against that state’s will.

What’s more, some states have what is called a “constitutional carry” policy where residents don’t need to have a concealed carry permit to carry a firearm. So the question becomes, will these unlicensed individuals be allowed to roam where they please with a loaded handgun or rifle?

At this time, there are multiple bills in the House and Senate seeking to pass a federal reciprocity law. Back in January, North Carolina Rep. Richard Hudson introduced the first of the reciprocity bills and this was swiftly followed by Texas Senator John Cornyn’s companion bill, the so-called Constitutional Concealed Carry Reciprocity Act.

This, in turn, was followed up by the Personal Protection Reciprocity Act, a bill introduced by Rep. Thomas Massie in response to the shooting of Rep. Steve Scalise at a congressional softball game.

Rep. Richard Hudson’s reciprocity bill in the House would give states no choice but to allow their residents to carry guns with non-resident permits that they acquired in other places, thereby undermining the laws in more restrictive states.

For some, this may sound like a real boon. After all, many gun owners in the Midwest may have family on the East coast where New York laws strongly limit when and where a person can handle a gun.

But it also tramples on the intended constitutional system.

Nullification is a process that empowers states to refuse cooperation with federal rulings and with the enforcement of federal laws. Nullification is based on the fact that the states formed the Union by agreement and are the founders of the federal government. As such, they should have the final say-so when it comes to the limits of power that the government possesses.

From a technical standpoint, mandatory reciprocity may seem constitutionally defensible, but one should not believe the bills’ proponents when they sing its praises. At its core, this is a matter of federal overreach, one that demands that non-residents meet the same concealed carry eligibility as the citizens of a sovereign state.

This does not paint conservatives with a very nice brush. On the contrary, it makes conservatives look shady at best. It is one thing to introduce a bill with legitimate reasoning to back it up, but it’s another story altogether when politicians rally the federal government to do something because of a knee-jerk reaction (see: the Steve Scalise shooting) without upfront constitutional justification.

After years of reciprocity bills being introduced, nary a single Republican has found a constitutional power that would enable them to make such a law mandatory across all states. And they won’t find it because it does not exist.

State governments function autonomously because power needs to be carefully balanced, lest we find ourselves in the position that countries like Germany and Russia have found themselves in the past. It is a protection in place to make sure that America remains a free country, unfettered by totalitarianism or any other abuse or misuse of power.

Those who introduce these bills like to cite the Second Amendment—the right to keep and bear arms—as a justification, but this amendment does not and never has prohibited states from setting standards for their citizens to follow nor does it prevent them from enforcing the same when it comes to non-residents.

As far back as the founding, several states have forbade concealed carry and the courts of this land have invariably found that they were well within their right to do so. The Supreme Court case of Heller notes, “Like most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited. From Blackstone through the 19th-century cases, commentators and courts routinely explained that the right was not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose. For example, the majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues.”

Unfortunately, while this is true, three constitutional scholars have recently posited a constitutional defense of reciprocity that is reliant on the obscure and inscrutable Full Faith and Credit Clause which says, “Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may be general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.”

In lay terms, what this means is that if states are constitutionally obligated to grant “full” faith to other states’ laws, there is nothing left for Congress to “prescribe” about the laws’ “Effects.”

This has been one of the most opaque laws in our history and one that many courts have grappled with. In regards to the matter of national reciprocity, it boils down to desperation. Those seeking to have these bills passed are grasping at straws and this is, essentially, the best justification they can come up with.

So, while the House bill may fall under the auspices of the Full Faith and Credit Clause, allowing for Congress to determine the “Effect” such a bill would have after the fact, it is not a good look for the modern Republican.

American conservatism was founded on a desire to unite the country and foster a dialogue between both major parties. By forcing legislation down the throats of resistant states by federal decree, conservatives would be sending the wrong message, not just to state government but to the general public.

What bills like these and President Trump’s reversal of the ban on surplus military gear to police forces say to the people is that it would be easy for our government agencies to militarize themselves at any given time. Indeed, reciprocity laws, if passed, could then be utilized by the U.S. military and other outfits to rationalize martial law and a national police state.

And even without devolving into theoretical bedlam, it should be obvious that the issue is one of apples and oranges. Quite simply, some states have an extremely laissez-faire attitude when it comes to concealed carry while others insist on extensive red tape. It is not the role of the federal government to determine whether they permit or don’t permit something.

Some statistics have shown that murder rates have fallen substantially as the number of concealed carry handguns have risen, and many speculate that crime plummets when concealed carry laws are more lax.

Rigid training requirements could prevent a guy from shooting himself in the butt at his neighborhood Target store, but if he’s not able to easily obtain a permit, he may not be able to defend himself during a home invasion.

That being said, it is understandable for some states to have their reservations about liberal concealed carry policies when one considers the rash of mass shootings that have plagued the U.S. in recent years. All of these things should be factored in on a case by case basis.

These are things for states, not the federal government, to ponder when passing legislation. Research and vetting should be key considerations. But the biggest consideration of all should be nullification. States should always be able to prevail in the face of federal overreach.


Sam
October 22, 2017 at 02:04PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Massachusetts Committee Holds Hearing on Bills that Would Help Block Federal Militarization of Police


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

BOSTON, Mass. (Oct. 21, 2017) – Last week, a Massachusetts joint legislative committee held a hearing on three bills that would take a first step toward limiting the impact of federal programs that militarize local police.

Rep. Denise Provost (D-Middlesex) introduced House Bill 2503 (H.2503) earlier this year. Sen. Michael Barrett (D-Third Middlesex) sponsors a Senate version of the legislation (S.1277) A second House bill (H.1276) sponsored by Rep. Mary Keefe (D-Worcester) has similar provisions. All three bills would prohibit law enforcement agencies from acquiring a long list of military equipment from federal surplus programs without local government approval. The legislation would also require state police to get approval from the legislature before obtaining military equipment.

The law would apply both to the well-known 1033 program, along with any other military surplus program operated by the federal government. The legislation covers an extensive list of military items including unmanned aerial vehicles, armored vehicles, bayonets, bombs, directed-energy weapons, grenade launchers, international mobile subscriber identity catchers, launch vehicles, mines, missiles, radioactive or nuclear weapons, rockets, silencers, torpedoes, toxicological agents, including chemical agents, biological agents, and associated equipment, or ultrasonic devices used for crowd dispersal.

Police departments often obtain military equipment from the federal government in complete secrecy. Requiring local government approval would bring the process into the open and provide an opportunity for concerned residents to stop the acquisition through their local representatives.

Joint Committee on Public Safety and Homeland Security held a hearing on the bills on Oct. 10. As reported by the Daily Free Press, Barrett told the committee the legislation would provide a level of oversight currently lacking in the process, adding that it’s important to know what the state and local police departments acquire through the 1033 program.

“The idea here is to provide some reasonable boundaries around this process rather than to enact a strict prohibition,” he said. “At the state level, we need oversight of what the state police acquire and our bill will provide that. At the local level, we would ask that there would be a public hearing, kind of a detail of what the local police department proposes to acquire under the 1033 program.”

South Peabody resident Steven Presser testified in favor of the legislation. He said he was particularly concerned with law enforcement agencies acquiring high-tech surveillance equipment.

“I do a lot of privacy work. I have seen how very innocuous things can be very revealing. I think it’s important before these things go into the field to understand all the ramifications and understand what limits are necessary.”

Presser said he knew representatives from the Boston Police Department oppose the bills.

“I understand where they come from when they say they’re against limits and red tape and things that stop them from getting tools, but I think especially in the case of surveillance technology I think this is actually to their benefit.”

FEDERAL SURPLUS AND GRANT MONEY

Through the federal 1033 Program, local police departments procure military grade weapons, including automatic assault rifles, body armor and mine resistant armored vehicles – essentially unarmed tanks. Police departments can even get their hands on military helicopters and other aircraft.

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) runs the “Homeland Security Grant Program,” which in 2013 gave more than $900 million in counterterrorism funds to state and local police. According to a 2012 Senate report, this money has been used to purchase tactical vehicles, drones, and even tanks with little obvious benefit to public safety. And, according to ProPublica, “In 1994, the Justice Department and the Pentagon funded a five-year program to adapt military security and surveillance technology for local police departments that they would otherwise not be able to afford.”

The proposed legislation would stop police from getting military equipment from both programs without local government approval.This would ensure accountability and transparency.

COMMAND AND CONTROL

Arming ‘peace officers’ like they’re ready to occupy an enemy city is totally contrary to the society envisioned by the Founders. They’ve turned ‘protect and serve’ into ‘command and control.’

In the 1980s, the federal government began arming, funding and training local police forces, turning peace officers into soldiers to fight in its unconstitutional “War on Drugs.” The militarization went into hyper-drive after 9/11 when a second front opened up – the “War on Terror.”

By making it more difficult for local police of this military-grade gear and ensuring they can’t do it in secret, it makes them less likely to cooperate with the feds and removes incentives for partnerships. Passage of these bills would take a first step toward limiting police militarization in Massachusetts.

WHAT’S NEXT

The legislation will need to pass out of the Joint Committee on Public Safety and Homeland Security before moving on in the legislative process.The committee may combine all of the provisions into one bill before taking a vote to advance it to the full House and Senate.


Mike Maharrey
October 21, 2017 at 02:22PM