Tenth Amendment Center: New Montana Law Limits ALPR Use, Helps Block National License Plate Tracking Program


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

HELENA, Mont. (Sept. 30, 2017) – Tomorrow, a Montana law that limits the use of Automated License Plate Readers (ALPRs) in the state goes into effect. The new law will also place significant roadblocks in the way of a federal program using states to help track the location of millions of everyday people through pictures of their license plates.

Rep. Daniel Zolnikov (R-Billings) sponsored House Bill 149 (HB149). The legislation prohibits the use of ALPRs except for specified purposes, and also places limitations on the retention and sharing of data gathered by license plate readers.

The Montana Senate passed HB149 by a 48-1 vote. The House concurred with a 91-7 vote, With Gov. Steve Bullock’s signature the law goes into effect Oct. 1.

Under the law, law enforcement agencies can only use ALPRs for specified law enforcement purposes. These include identifying stolen vehicles, locating missing persons, locating individuals with outstanding warrants, locating vehicles involved in homicides or other major crimes, and “case-specific investigative surveillance.”

Any data collected by an ALPR cannot be stored from more than 90 days without a preservation request, or a state or federal warrant. A preservation request will only be valid for one year and will have to be renewed for continuing data storage.

The original bill contained language prohibiting an ALPR system from photographing, recording, or producing images of the occupants of a vehicle. That was unfortunately removed during the committee process.

Even so, this law will prevent the state from creating permanent databases using information collected by ALPRs, and make it highly unlikely that such data will end up in federal databases.

IMPACT ON FEDERAL PROGRAMS

As reported in the Wall Street Journal, the federal government, via the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), tracks the location of millions of vehicles. They’ve engaged in this for over eight years, all without a warrant, or even public notice of the policy.

State and local law enforcement agencies operate most of these tracking systems, paid for by federal grant money. The DEA then taps into the local database to track the whereabouts of millions of people – for the simple act of driving – without having to operate a huge network itself.

Since a majority of federal license plate tracking data comes from state and local law enforcement, passage of this legislation takes a major step toward blocking that program from continuing in Montana. The feds can’t access data that doesn’t exist.

“No data means no federal license plate tracking program,” Tenth Amendment Center founder and executive director Michael Boldin said.

Law enforcement generally configures ALPRs to store the photograph, the license plate number, and the date, time, and location of vehicles. But according to newly disclosed records obtained by the ACLU via a Freedom of Information Act request, the DEA also captures photographs of drivers and their passengers.

According to the ACLU:

“One internal 2009 DEA communication stated clearly that the license plate program can provide “the requester” with images that “may include vehicle license plate numbers (front and/or rear), photos of visible vehicle occupants [redacted] and a front and rear overall view of the vehicle.” Clearly showing that occupant photos are not an occasional, accidental byproduct of the technology, but one that is intentionally being cultivated, a 2011 email states that the DEA’s system has the ability to store “up to 10 photos per vehicle transaction including 4 occupant photos.”

With the FBI rolling out facial a nationwide recognition program last fall, and the federal government building biometric databases, the fact that the feds can potentially access stored photographs of drivers and passengers, along with detailed location data, magnifies the privacy concerns surrounding ALPRs.

The new Montana ALPR limits take a good first step toward putting a big dent in federal plans to continue location tracking, and expanding its facial recognition program. The less data the state makes available to the federal government, the less ability they have to track people in Montana, and elsewhere.

 


Mike Maharrey
September 30, 2017 at 10:32AM

Chuck Todd, Tax Reform, & Mandated Purchases


Chuck Todd of MSNBC is colossally confused when it comes to the Constitution and the Rights of the People, KrisAnne gets to set him straight. Do our Congressmen understand what the Constitution says about raising revenue?  Lets look at what the Constitution says. The federal government is mandating purchases and have been since 1920, lets […]

The post Chuck Todd, Tax Reform, & Mandated Purchases appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com September 30, 2017 at 09:35AM

Tenth Amendment Center: John Dickinson’s “Farmer” Letters on their 250th Anniversary


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

This article originally appeared in the Washington Times.

This year, 2017, marks the 250th anniversary of one of the most influential series of writings in American history: John Dickinson’s Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, the first of which appeared in 1767.

These “Letters”—12 newspaper op-eds later collected in book form—asserted the colonial cause against imperial British overreach and helped to lay the groundwork for the U.S. Constitution drafted two decades later. The letters also presented important ideas about resisting usurpation.

John Dickinson (1732-1808) did not sign the Declaration of Independence, but in other respects, he was an American Founder of the first rank. With homes in Delaware and Pennsylvania, he served both states. Pennsylvania sent him to the 1765 Stamp Act Congress and, after publication of the Farmer letters, to the Continental Congress in 1774. Dickinson authored most of those assemblies’ public pronouncements. He also chaired the congressional committee that drafted the Articles of Confederation.

During the Revolution, Dickinson served two stints in the American armed forces, after which Delaware returned him to Congress (1779). In 1781, he was elected president (governor) of Delaware. The following year, he was elected president of Pennsylvania. In 1786, representing Delaware, he chaired the Annapolis Convention, which recommended a constitutional convention the following year. Delaware sent Dickinson to the latter meeting, where he impacted the results in ways not fully understood until his convention notes were rediscovered a few decades ago.

Dickinson wrote the Farmer letters in response to the British Parliament’s Townshend Acts(1767). (The Townshend Acts imposed duties on goods imported to America.) They explained why the Townshend duties were improper and how and why Americans should resist them.

The Farmer letters took America by storm. They were reprinted in Britain and Europe. In accordance with the Founding-era understanding of freedom of the press, Dickinson had written anonymously, but the authorship soon became known. Dickinson eventually became one of the most famous Americans in the world, second only to Benjamin Franklin.

The letters maintained that the colonists, as British subjects, had the right not to be taxed without the consent of lawmakers elected by them. They also contended the Townshend duties were “taxes” because they were imposed to raise revenue rather than to regulate behavior. Thus, only the colonists’ elected legislatures could impose them on Americans. Parliament, where Americans were unrepresented, could not.

Dickinson’s case was largely legal and constitutional, but he supported it with appeals to natural law and human welfare. “We cannot be happy without being free … We cannot be free without being secure in our own property … We cannot be secure in our property, if, without our consent, others may take it away,” Dickinson wrote.

In furtherance of the same principle, Dickinson worked two decades later to ensure the Constitution prescribed that revenue bills could originate only in the House of Representatives.

The Farmer letters went well beyond asserting the case against taxation without representation; they also helped clarify American constitutional thinking on other questions, including: Which government responsibilities should be exercised centrally and which locally?

Dickinson argued the central government should regulate commerce among the political units of the British Empire, but individual colonies should control civil justice and other domestic matters. In this respect, the letters foreshadowed the split between federal and state powers embodied in the Constitution 20 years later. Early in the convention, Dickinson advocated dividing federal and state authority by “enumerating” federal powers. His fellow delegates eventually adopted the idea.

The letters defended the existence of the British House of Lords by observing the nobility needed a separate legislative chamber to protect them against the king and the commons. At the Constitutional Convention two decades later, Dickinson persuaded his fellow delegates to extend similar protections to the states. He successfully advocated the United States adopt a Senate that represents the states equally and is composed of legislators who are selected by state legislatures for long, staggered terms.

The Farmer letters further examined how a free people should respond to governmental usurpations. Dickinson recommended opposing small usurpations immediately to prevent them from acquiring the force of precedent. “A perpetual jealousy regarding liberty is absolutely required in all free states … Slavery is ever preceded by sleep,” he wrote.

But Dickinson also emphasized opposition should be carefully calibrated, avoiding both under- and over-reaction. Violence should never be the first step. Citizens should begin by petitioning for redress. If that proved unsuccessful, the next resort was lawful resistance, followed by peaceable civil disobedience.

Dickinson, like other Founders, emphasized the need to protect liberty by frequently resorting to “first principles.” This 250th anniversary offers Americans an opportunity to do just that.


Rob Natelson
September 30, 2017 at 05:01AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Activism 101 Podcast #18: Getting on the Radio, and Prepping for an Interview


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

This is the 18th installment of a podcast following local activism efforts I am spearheading to address the surveillance state in Lexington, Ky. Through this series, you will get an inside look at boots-on-the-ground activism as it happens. The goal is to create a step-by-step how-to on tackling issues at the local level. You can access the other episodes HERE.

We recently enjoyed a big publicity breakthrough in our activism work. I was invited to be a guest on a local talk radio show. The appearance went exceptionally well and helped elevate our public profile in the city.

In this installment of the Activism 101 podcast, I talk about how I got invited to appear on the radio show, and I offer some tips on how to prepare for a successful interview.

SHOW NOTES

My appearance on Cruzer and Krew

Episode #13: Writing a Good Press Release


Mike Maharrey
September 29, 2017 at 01:47PM

Tenth Amendment Center: North Carolina “Constitutional Carry” Bill Faces Uphill Battle


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

RALEIGH, N.C. (Sept. 29, 2017) – In June the North Carolina House passed a “Constitutional Carry” bill, but the Senate failed to pass as well. However, since the bill was not voted down in the 2nd chamber, it’s still alive for further consideration in 2018.

A coalition of four Republican representatives introduced House Bill 746 (H746) in April. Under the proposed law, any person who is a citizen of the United States and at least 18 years old would be able to legally carry a handgun, openly or concealed, without a concealed handgun permit in North Carolina unless provided otherwise by State law, by 18 U.S.C. § 922, or any other federal law.

The legislation does prohibit carrying a concealed handgun in certain places, including the state capitol building, courthouses, and certain other areas. It also establishes and clarifies other limits on carrying firearms in the state.

H746 would still allow North Carolina residents to obtain a conceal carry license so they can carry in states that have conceal carry reciprocity with North Carolina.

The bill passed the House by a 64-51 margin in June. However, once it reached the Senate it failed to get a vote either in the Committee On Rules and Operations, or on the Senate floor.

AmmoLand Editor Duncan Johnson places the blame for that on poor Senate leadership, rather than resistance to the general concept of the bill itself:

“The Senate, frankly, self-destructed on the bill. Without sufficient direction from leadership to chart its passage, Senate Republicans couldn’t agree on what they wanted it to contain – with a number of them wanting a stronger bill than passed by the House, calling for a pro-gun amendment to the North Carolina Constitution and repeal of the Jim Crow-era pistol purchase permit system. Others, including some devout conservatives, were hung up on the age 18 provision, or lack of required training.”

However, Duncan notes that although the Senate didn’t vote on the bill before the 2017 recess, it remains alive and up for consideration next year. North Carolina has a 2-year legislative session.

While constitutional carry bills do not directly affect federal gun control, widespread passage of permitless conceal carry laws in states subtly undermines federal efforts to regulate guns. As we’ve seen with marijuana and industrial hemp, a federal regulation becomes ineffective when states ignore it and pass laws encouraging the prohibited activity anyway. The federal government lacks the enforcement power necessary to maintain its ban, and people will willingly take on the small risk of federal sanctions if they know the state will not interfere.

This increases when the state actively encourages “the market.”

Less restrictive state gun laws will likely have a similar impact on federal gun laws. It will make it that much more difficult for the feds to enforce any future federal gun control, and increase the likelihood that states with few limits will simply refuse to cooperate with federal enforcement efforts.

State actions like passage of H746 would lower barriers for those wanting to the option of defending themselves with firearms and encourages a “gun-friendly” environment that would make federal efforts to limit firearms that much more difficult.

“Constitutional carry is a big step toward being able to exercise a natural right that has been infringed at all levels for far too long,” ShallNot.org campaign lead Scott Landreth said.

.


TJ Martinell
September 29, 2017 at 10:45AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Obamacare Repeal 3.0: Rest in Peace


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

WASHINGTON (Sept. 28, 2017) – Obamacare repeal 3.0 went down in flames Tuesday. For seven years, Republicans talked about repealing the ACA. For seven years, we’ve warned you that it would never happen. Now, even with control of both houses of Congress and the oval office, the GOP won’t get it done. And we’re still saying they never will.

According to Bloomberg, opposition from three Republican Senators derailed the latest attempt to dismantle the Affordable Care Act.

Leaders decided the Senate won’t vote before Saturday’s deadline to use a fast-track procedure to keep Democrats from blocking a GOP-only bill. On Monday, Republican Senator Susan Collins of Maine added her opposition to that of GOP Senators John McCain of Arizona and Rand Paul of Kentucky, enough to sink the legislation in the 52-48 Senate.”

Calling the Graham-Cassidy bill a “repeal” was a bit of a stretch. OK. It was a complete fabrication. The legislation would not have repealed the inaptly named Affordable Care Act. It tinkered around the edges, but left the core of the unconstitutional healthcare plan in place.

It would have turned Obamacare Medicaid funds into block grants to the states, and repealed the penalties that enforce the individual and employer mandates. Most of the ACA taxes and insurance regulations would have stayed in place. In fact, even the mandates would have technically remained on the books. The penalties would have simply been set at zero.

According to Bloomberg, Health Chairman Lamar Alexander wants to work out a bipartisan plan to “stabilize Obamacare’s health insurance markets.” In other words, the Tennessee Republican wants to work with Democrats to “fix” Obamacare.

It seems pretty obvious the Affordable Care Act isn’t going anywhere. According to the Bloomberg report, Graham and third-ranking Senate Republican John Thune of South Dakota said the next realistic opportunity for Republicans to repeal Obamacare will come in the 2019 fiscal year.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said the Republicans “haven’t given up on reforming the health-care system.” but “we’re not going to do it this week.”

No Mitch. You’re not.

And notice what McConnell said. “Reforming.” The GOP has no intention of getting out of the federal healthcare business. Even if it does eventually pass something, it will still be just as unconstitutional as Obamacare.

It’s really pretty simple. The federal government has no authority to run a healthcare system.

Zero. Zich. Nadda.

If you want to follow the Constitution and get D.C. out of the healthcare business, you’ve got to quit counting on D.C. to follow the Constitution get itself out of the healthcare business. Go to your state capital and get busy there.

States can collapse this unconstitutional system by simply refusing to provide resources and personnel to implement it. The feds can’t run healthcare alone. They depend on state cooperation. The states don’t have to provide it.

This was the blueprint James Madison gave us to deal with “unwarrantable” federal acts. He didn’t advise begging Congress to fix the problems it caused. He recommended “refusal to cooperate with officers of the union.”

But simply collapsing Obamacare isn’t enough. States need to foster the development of alternate systems. For instance, a number of states have passed bills to facilitate healthcare freedom outside of a federal system.

Direct primary care legislation specifies that medical retainer agreements do not constitute insurance. It frees doctors and patients from the onerous requirements and regulations under the state insurance code.

Direct primary care offers an easy, market-based solution to federally-driven health care woes. According to Michigan Capitol Confidential, by removing a third party payer from the equation, medical retainer agreements help both physicians and patients minimize costs. Jack Spencer writes:

“Under medical retainer agreements, patients make monthly payments to a physician who in return agrees to provide a menu of routine services at no extra charge. Because no insurance company stands between patient and doctor, the hassles and expense of bureaucratic red tape are eliminated, which have resulted in dramatic cost reductions. Routine primary care services (and the bureaucracy required to reimburse them) are estimated to consume 40 cents out of every dollar spent on insurance policies, so lower premiums for a given amount of coverage are another potential benefit.”

This represents the kind of cost control Obamacare promised, but failed to deliver. Last fall, Tom Woods interviewed a Kansas doctor who utilizes the direct primary care model. Dr. Josh Umbehr’s practice demonstrates the cost savings possible when doctor’s are unfettered from the bureaucratic health insurance system.

If your counting on McConnell, or Paul Ryan, or even Rand Paul to fix healthcare, you’re going to continue to be disappointed. Obamacare 4.0 or 5.0 or 6.0 or whatever reiteration finally passes will continue federal control over your healthcare. The Constitution doesn’t authorize this. So, stop playing the game.

 


Mike Maharrey
September 28, 2017 at 10:41AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Was Justice Scalia an Old Originalist?


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

One of the standard distinctions these days is between the old originalism and new originalism.  While different people define the distinction a little bit differently, I define the old originalism as having two essential characteristics: using “original intent” to determine the original meaning of a provision and a belief that significantly constraining judges is essential to the task of originalism.

The newer originalisms – I use the term “newer originalisms” rather than the “new originalism” because new versions of originalism differ from one another – have abandoned these two characteristics.  The newer originalisms tend to focus on the original public meaning – focusing on a more textual than intentionalist approach.  And the newer originalisms no longer hold (or act like) significantly constraining judges is essential.  If the original meaning is permissive – if it is unclear, vague, or delegates power to judges – then that is the original meaning and newer originalists generally believe it should be followed.

Given these definitions, how should we classify Justice Scalia?  On the one hand, Scalia was perhaps the most important person responsible for the shift from original intent to original public meaning.  Thus, he deserves a significant place among those responsible for the newer originalisms.

On the other hand, Scalia placed a very strong value on constraining judges.  And it is a common criticism of the Justice that he often preferred clear rules to the original meaning, when that original meaning might have been unclear.  I mentioned one example in my prior post on the nondelegation doctrine.  Another example is Justice Scalia’s decision to refuse to join Justice Thomas’s decision in McDonald concluding that incorporation of the Second Amendment occurred under the Privileges or Immunities Clause rather than the Due Process Clause (which had been “fixed” through precedent).  On this score, then, Scalia stands as an old originalist.

One possible way of reconciling clear rules with the original meaning is to assume (in cases of ambiguity) that the Framers would have preferred a meaning that was clear over one that was unclear.  There is something to be said for this, but at most I believe it supports a weak inference.  And Scalia rarely, if ever, made this argument.

Thus, Scalia stands somewhere between the old originalism and the newer originalisms.  He is something of a transitional figure, who established one innovation but retained the traditional theory in other ways.

This post was originally published at The Originalism Blog, and is re-posted here with permission from the author.


Michael Rappaport
September 28, 2017 at 09:10AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Who Made the Supreme Court King?


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

The following is based on an excerpt from my book Out Last Hope: Rediscovering the Lost Path to Liberty

For the last 100 years, most Americans have assumed the federal court system, and ultimately the Supreme Court, stands as the final arbiter in any constitutional controversy. But who made the federal courts king?

The Constitution certainly didn’t. Take a moment and go look for the clause in the Constitution that delegates to the Supreme Court the power to serve as the sole and final authority on what is or isn’t constitutional. You won’t find it, because it does not exist.  The Constitution tasks the Court with “judging cases.”

So, who placed the Supreme Court at the pinnacle of Constitutional interpretation?

Why, the Supreme Court itself did!

In 1958, the SCOTUS declared “constitutional law,” as determined by the federal court system, the supreme law of the land, on equal footing with the Constitution itself. The Supreme Court set itself on its own throne in its ruling in Cooper v. Aaron, a case relating to school desegregation.

“Article VI of the Constitution makes the Constitution the ‘supreme Law of the Land.’ In 1803, Chief Justice Marshall, speaking for a unanimous Court, referring to the Constitution as ‘the fundamental and paramount law of the nation,’ declared in the notable case of Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 177, 2 L.Ed. 60, that ‘It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.’ This decision declared the basic principle that the federal judiciary is supreme in the exposition of the law of the Constitution, and that principle has ever since been respected by this Court and the Country as a permanent and indispensable feature of our constitutional system.”

The Cooper decision hangs on Marbury vs. Madison (1803). The Marshall Court ruled the Judiciary Act of 1789 unconstitutional. This was the first time the Supreme Court used the power of judicial review. And in a sense, the court did bestow upon itself the power by its exercise thereof. But in fact, the idea that courts could invalidate unconstitutional law pre-dated the Maybury ruling and even the ratification of the Constitution. Alexander Hamilton discussed the concept in Federalist 78.

“[T]he courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to their authority. The interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts. A constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the judges as, a fundamental law. It, therefore, belongs to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body. If there should happen to be an irreconcilable variance between the two, that which has the superior obligation and validity ought, of course, to be preferred; or, in other words, the Constitution ought to be preferred to the statute, the intention of the people to the intention of their agents.”

So, nobody understanding the nature of the judicial system should question that the court possesses the power to declare an act unconstitutional, and the judiciary rightly has the final say in a dispute between the various branches of the federal government. Its rulings stand supreme only in those cases the Constitution gives it the power to judge. The Court checks legislative and executive power. But the question remains: does the Court possess sole authority to declare an act unconstitutional when a dispute arises between the federal government, and the states or the people?

Or more simply put: does a single branch of the federal government serve as the sole judge of the extent of the federal government’s own power? Should the created get to dictate to the creator the condition of its own existence?

To answer, “Yes,” opens the door to tyranny, because such a system leaves no option for the states or the people to exercise in their defense should all three branches conspire to impose an unconstitutional measure. In essence, those who advocate supreme judicial authority tell the states and the people to “sit down and shut up” if a federal court puts its stamp of approval on an unconstitutional act. The notion invalidates the Constitution as the supreme law of the land, instead vesting that power in the pronouncement of five out of nine judges. It changes the American system from a constitutional republic to an oligarchy.

This is absurd in light of the framers’ deep distrust of concentrated power.

So, who has the final say? According to James Madison, the people of the states – because they are sovereign in the Constitutional system.

Here’s how Madison put in in his Report of 1800.

“The States then being the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity, that there can be no tribunal above their authority, to decide in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and consequently that as the parties to it, they must themselves decide in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition.”  

So why do we call it the Supreme Court if it isn’t really supreme?

Because it is – within its proper sphere. Back to Madison.

“However true, therefore, it may be, that the judicial department, is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the Constitution, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other departments of the government; not in relation to the rights of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the judicial as well as the other departments hold their delegated trusts.”

So in reality, the federal courts aren’t king. The people of the states are.


Mike Maharrey
September 28, 2017 at 06:34AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Foreign NSA Surveillance and the Threat to Liberty at Home


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

We got an interesting email from Sputnik News recently relating to U.S. surveillance of foreign nationals outside the country. Here the question, followed by my response.

QUESTION

“The National Security Agency is currently conducting surveillance on more than 100,000 foreign nationals outside the US, several senior US officials revealed Monday, highlighting cases in which so-called Section 702 authorities have helped the intelligence community identify cybersecurity threats from hostile governments, stop malicious cyberattacks and disrupt ISIS terror plots. Granted that this surveillance really helps to disrupt plots, but is it a 100% legitimate effort? (outside the US). And does it require more transparency or oversight by Congress and/or the media?”

ANSWER

“From a purely legal standpoint, the U.S. government has virtually unlimited authority to spy on foreign nationals outside of the country. Ethically, well that’s a different story. And this type of secret surveillance is ripe for abuse. In fact, based on documents provided by Edward Snowden, there is evidence that the NSA has used ‘foreign intelligence gathering’ as a back door to spying on American citizens. Even if it is completely ‘legal’ for the U.S. government to do this, we should be wary. As James Madison warned, ‘the means of defence against foreign danger have been always the instruments of tyranny at home.'”


Mike Maharrey
September 27, 2017 at 03:46PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Keep on Pushing


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center
In my last members post, I talked about the roller coaster ride of legislative activism. This week, I was reminded why I need to take my own advice and always keep pushing. I’ve mentioned before that discouragement is a natural part of activism. There is a lot of opposition. There are plenty of setbacks. But…
Mike Maharrey
September 26, 2017 at 01:23PM

Tenth Amendment Center: A Danger to Liberty: Both Democrats and Republicans


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center
We’re often told how much democrats hate the Founders. And generally that’s true, except when statements from the founders fit their policy objectives. They love the 10th Amendment when it comes to marijuana or sanctuary cities, for example.
 
But – the same problem happens with republicans. When we share advice from the Founders about staying out of foreign wars, or against spying, for example – we’ll get loads of feedback from republicans telling us how “things are different now.” Or how the “founders couldn’t have foreseen what we face today.” In short, they want us ignore the founders, just like the democrats.
 
Both are wrong. And dangerous. For us – it’s the Constitution. Every issue, every time. No exceptions, no excuses.

Michael Boldin
September 26, 2017 at 01:05PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Patriots and Protesters Should Take a Knee for the Constitution


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

By all means, let’s talk about patriotism and President Trump’s call for “respect for our Country, Flag and National Anthem.”

At a time when the American flag adorns everything from men’s boxers and women’s bikinis to beer koozies, bandannas and advertising billboards (with little outcry from the American public), and the National Anthem is sung by Pepper the Parrot during the Puppy Bowl, this conveniently timed outrage over disrespect for the country’s patriotic symbols rings somewhat hollow, detracts from more serious conversations that should be taking place about critical policy matters of state, and further divides the nation and ensures that “we the people” will not present a unified front to oppose the police state.

First off, let’s tackle this issue of respect or lack thereof for patriotic symbols.

As the U.S. Supreme Court has made clear, Americans have a right to abstain from patriotic demonstrations (West Virginia State Board of Ed. v. Barnette, 1943) and/or actively protest that demonstration, for example, by raising one’s fist during the Pledge of Allegiance (Holloman ex rel. Holloman v. Harland, 2004). These First Amendment protections also extend to military uniforms (worn to criticize the military) and military funeral protests (Snyder v. Phelps, 2011).

Likewise, Americans have a First Amendment right to display, alter or destroy the U.S. flag as acts of symbolic protest speech.

In fact, in Street v. New York (1969), the Supreme Court held that the government may not punish a person for uttering words critical of the flag, writing that “the constitutionally guaranteed ‘freedom to be intellectually . . . diverse or even contrary,’ and the ‘right to differ as to things that touch the heart of the existing order,’ encompass the freedom to express publicly one’s opinions about our flag, including those opinions which are defiant or contemptuous.”

The case arose after Sidney Street, hearing about the attempted murder of civil rights leader James Meredith in Mississippi, burned a 48-star American flag on a New York City street corner to protest what he saw as the government’s failure to protect Meredith. Upon being questioned about the flag, Street responded, “Yes; that is my flag; I burned it. If they let that happen to Meredith, we don’t need an American flag.”

In Spence v. Washington (1974), the Court ruled that the right to display the American flag with any mark or design upon it is a protected act of expression. The case involved a college student who had placed a peace symbol on a three by five foot American flag using removable black tape and displayed it upside down from his apartment window.

Finally, in Texas v. Johnson (1989), the Court held that flag burning was protected speech under the First Amendment.  The case arose from a demonstration near the site of the Republican National Convention in Dallas during which protesters marched through the streets, chanted political slogans, staged “die-ins” in front of several corporate offices to dramatize the consequences of nuclear war, and burned the flag as a means of political protest.

In other words, if freedom means anything, it means that those exercising their right to protest are showing the greatest respect for the principles on which this nation was founded: the right to free speech and the right to dissent. Clearly, the First Amendment to the Constitution assures Americans of the right to speak freely, assemble freely and protest (petition the government for a redress of grievances).

Whether those First Amendment activities take place in a courtroom or a classroom, on a football field or in front of the U.S. Supreme Court is not the issue: what matters is that Americans have a right—according to the spirit, if not always the letter, of the law—to voice their concerns without being penalized for it.

Frankly, the First Amendment does more than give us a right to criticize our country: it makes it a civic duty.

Second, let’s not confuse patriotism (love for or devotion to one’s country) with blind obedience to the government’s dictates. That is the first step towards creating an authoritarian regime.

One can be patriotic and love one’s country while at the same time disagreeing with the government or protesting government misconduct. As journalist Barbara Ehrenreich recognizes, “Dissent, rebellion, and all-around hell-raising remain the true duty of patriots.”

Indeed, I would venture to say that if you’re not speaking out or taking a stand against government wrongdoing—if you’re marching in lockstep with anything the government and its agents dole out—and if you’re prioritizing partisan politics over the principles enshrined in the Constitution, then you’re not a true patriot.

Real patriots care enough to take a stand, speak out, protest and challenge the government whenever it steps out of line.

There is nothing patriotic about the lengths to which Americans have allowed the government to go in its efforts to dismantle our constitutional republic and shift the country into a police state.

It’s not anti-American to be anti-war or anti-police misconduct or anti-racial discrimination, but it is anti-American to be anti-freedom.

I have come to realize that what many refer to as polarization—certainly, what the government refers to as “extremism”—is actually Americans challenging the status quo, especially the so-called government elite. Martin Luther King Jr. put it best when, after being accused of extremism, responded, “The question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremist will you be?”

How many times over the years have I been criticized for being anti-American and unpatriotic, reprimanded for being too negative in my views of the government, admonished to have “faith” in our leaders, and ordered to refrain from criticizing our president because Americans still live in the best country in the world?

Is this really what patriotism or loving your country is all about? If so, then the great freedom fighters of history would be considered unpatriotic.

Too many Americans seem to think that faith in the government and a positive attitude are enough to get you through the day… that you’re not a good citizen if you criticize the government… and that being a good citizen means doing one thing: voting.

The problem we face today, however, is that America requires more than voters inclined to pay lip service to a false sense of patriotism. It requires doers—a well-informed and very active group of doers—if we are to have any chance of holding the government accountable and maintaining our freedoms.

After all, it was not idle rhetoric that prompted the Framers of the Constitution to begin with the words “We the people.” In the words of Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren, “there is an implicit assumption [throughout the Constitution and Bill of Rights] that we, the people, will preserve our democratic rights by acting responsibly in our enjoyment of them.”

This ultimate responsibility for maintaining our freedoms rests with the people.

Third, we need to stop acting as if showing “respect” for the country, flag and national anthem is more important than the freedoms they represent.

Listen: I served in the Army. I lived through the Civil Rights era. I came of age during the Sixties, when activists took to the streets to protest war and economic and racial injustice. As a constitutional lawyer, I defend people daily whose civil liberties are being violated, including high school students prohibited from wearing American flag t-shirts to school, allegedly out of a fear that it might be disruptive.

I understand the price that must be paid for freedom. None of the people I served with or marched with or represented put our lives or our liberties on the line for a piece of star-spangled cloth or a few bars of music: we took our stands and made our sacrifices because we believed we were fighting to maintain our freedoms and bring about justice for all Americans.

As such, responsible citizenship means being outraged at the loss of others’ freedoms, even when our own are not directly threatened.

The Framers of the Constitution knew very well that whenever and wherever democratic governments had failed, it was because the people had abdicated their responsibility as guardians of freedom. They also knew that whenever in history the people denied this responsibility, an authoritarian regime arose which eventually denied the people the right to govern themselves.

All governments fall into two classifications: those with a democratic form and those that are authoritarian, ruled by an individual or some oligarchic elite.

Acting responsibly, however, means that there are certain responsibilities and duties without which our rights would become meaningless. Duties of citizenship extend beyond the act of voting, which is only the first step in acting responsibly. Citizens must be willing to stand and fight to protect their freedoms. And if need be, it will entail criticizing the government.

This is true patriotism in action.

What this means is that we can still be patriotic and love our country while disagreeing with the government or going to court to fight for freedom. Responsible citizenship means being outraged at the loss of others’ freedoms, even when our own are not directly threatened. It also means remembering that the prime function of any free government is to protect the weak against the strong.

Love of country will sometimes entail carrying a picket sign or going to jail or taking a knee, if necessary, to preserve liberty and challenge injustice. And it will mean speaking up for those with whom you might disagree.

Tolerance for dissent, we must remember, is a vital characteristic of the citizens of a democratic society. As Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes said, “If there is any principle of the Constitution that more imperatively calls for attachment than any other, it is the principle of free thought–not free thought for those who agree with us but freedom for the thought that we hate.”

Loving your country does not mean being satisfied with the status quo or the way government is being administered. Government invariably, possibly inevitably, oversteps its authority. As human beings are not perfect, governments, because they are constructs of human beings, will necessarily be imperfect as well.

Love of country, it must be emphasized, is always strengthened by both a knowledge of history and of the Constitution and, when need be, acting on that knowledge. “If we have no appreciation of the past,” Justice Warren recognized, “we can have little understanding of the present or vision for the future.”

The problems facing our generation are numerous and are becoming incredibly complex.

Technology, which has developed at a rapid pace, offers those in power more invasive and awesome possibilities than ever before. Never in American history has there been a more pressing need to maintain the barriers in the Constitution erected by our Founders to check governmental power and abuse.

As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People, we’re at a very crucial crossroads in American history. We have to be well-informed, not only about current events but well-versed in the basics of our rights and duties as citizens. If not, in perceived times of crisis, we may very well find ourselves in the clutches of a governmental system that is alien to everything for which America stands. And make no mistake about it, the mass of citizens will continue to be misinformed, and as astute political leaders have recognized in the past, they can be easily led.

Therein is the menace to our freedoms.

Stop falling for the distractions. Stop allowing yourself to be fooled by propaganda and partisan politics. Stop acting as if the only thing worth getting outraged about is whether a bunch of football players stand or kneel for the National Anthem.

Stop being armchair patriots and start acting like foot soldiers for the Constitution.

Remember, it’s all a game, a ruse, a dance intended to keep you in line and marching to the government’s tune instead of freedom’s call. In this age of spin doctors and manipulation, those who question the motives of government provide a necessary counterpoint to those who would blindly follow where politicians choose to lead.

Past regimes understood well how to manipulate and maneuver. As Hermann Goering, one of Hitler’s top military leaders, remarked during the Nuremberg trials:

It is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy, or a fascist dictatorship, or a parliament, or a communist dictatorship. Voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is to tell them they are being attacked, and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country.


John Whitehead
September 26, 2017 at 07:37AM

Tax Dollars Subsidizing Protests


The right to protest and the right to freedom of expression are fundamental to any free people. Disagreeing with the protest content doesn’t annul the protester’s right. But should protests be subsidized by American tax dollars? Does a multi-billion dollar entertainment industry need to be subsidized by American tax dollars? As the debate over “Trump […]

The post Tax Dollars Subsidizing Protests appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com September 26, 2017 at 08:53AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Activism 101 Podcast #17: What Do You Do when the Cops Won’t Give Up the Documents?


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

This is the 17th installment of a podcast following local activism efforts I am spearheading to address the surveillance state in Lexington, Ky. Through this series, you will get an inside look at boots-on-the-ground activism as it happens. The goal is to create a step-by-step how-to on tackling issues at the local level. You can access the other episodes HERE.

Back on episode #4, I talked about obtaining documents from government agencies through open records requests. You can gather a great deal of information about government departments and their operations by utilizing the formal FOIA request process. But what do you do when the agency denies your request and hides information behind exemptions in the open records laws?

You appeal.

In this installment of the Activism 101 podcast, I talk about how I appealed and won when the Lexington Police Department denied my request for documents relating to mobile surveillance cameras.

SHOW NOTES

Episode #4: Give Me Those Documents

Press release announcing appeal victory

Kentucky Attorney General Office ruling

Original open records request letter of appeal

 

 


Mike Maharrey
September 26, 2017 at 12:43AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Misapplying the Supremacy Clause


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

The following post is excerpted from the script for Nullify: Season 1. Watch all the videos from this series at this link – and Become a member here to support the TAC.

If you discuss a state bill contrary to federal goals, some will claim it’s unconstitutional with just two words: “Supremacy clause.” But in many situations, the clause doesn’t even apply.

The original meaning of the Supremacy clause tells us that state laws must generally yield to conflicting federal laws made in pursuance of the constitution.

Even so, out of the hundreds of nullification bills filed in states in recent years, the supremacy clause only applies to a small handful.  The rest generally prohibit the use of state resources to enforce or effectuate federal laws and the supremacy clause doesn’t even apply.

Here’s the deal.

The feds have overextended themselves. As the National Governors Association pointed out, they rely on state-level support or enforcement to carry out “most federal programs,” So most modern nullification bills use the strategy of withdrawing support for them.

This is the strategy advised by James Madison and backed up by over 170 years of Supreme Court precedent holding that the federal government cannot require states to use resources or personnel to help the feds carry out their programs.

Known as the anti-commandeering doctrine, states can simply stop participating and leave enforcement to the feds, who don’t have the manpower to get the job done in the first place.  When states use this strategy, there’s simply no possibility of a supremacy clause conflict.

Think of it like a boycott.

A store can’t stay in business if people don’t shop there. But the store can’t force anyone to shop there either.

Today, most federal programs can’t stay in business without help from the states, and the supreme court has repeatedly supported the Constitutional framework that the feds can’t force the states to help them either.

It’s the federal government’s own problem that they’ve set up programs that rely on help from states to implement.

Refusing to help the federal government is smart strategy – it’s constitutional, it’s an easy legal argument, and it works.


Michael Boldin
September 23, 2017 at 12:49AM

Tenth Amendment Center: States Offer Hope in Battle Against the Fed’s Monopoly on Money


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

It’s easy to think there is no way to ever topple the Fed-controlled U.S. monetary system. But efforts to chip away at the Federal Reserve’s monopoly on money by facilitating and encouraging the use of gold and silver within state borders took some solid steps forward over the last year. An Indian myth offers some symbolic encouragement in what can seem like a battle against overwhelming odds.

Oct. 19 marks an important holiday in Indian culture as the festival of Diwali begins.

Diwali is one of the biggest festivals for Hindus, Sikhs, and Jains. It is a lavish celebration of the victory of light over darkness with its gleaming candles, luxurious works of art, and opulent feasts. Diwali is also characterized by gift giving. Buying and gifting gold is considered auspicious during the festival.

Diwali is a grand, extravagant multi-day festival celebrating many things by many different groups of people. One of the more popular tales remembered and celebrated during Diwali is that of the brave Lord Rama. According to legend, he returned from exile after having saved his kidnapped wife and slayed the evil demon Ravanna.

This tale of glory and triumph offers some parallels to the sound money camp’s monetary hero, gold, facing the evil government and its minions, the “professionals” who often have a cynical bias against the yellow metal.

In the grand battle, Rama fights fiercely against Ravanna and his footmen. After a long and taxing battle, Rama delivers a blow that decapitates Ravanna’s central head. Unfortunately, another head appears in its place. Finally, learning that Ravanna’s secret was an immortality nectar held in his stomach, Rama fired an arrow that finally laid Ravanna to rest.

Like Rama, gold finds itself fending off attacks from all sides. The federal government has been striking blows at gold since 1933, when Roosevelt banned all private possession of gold and required it be handed over in exchange for paper money. Gold has had all sorts of taxes levied against it. Gold and silver coins were stripped of their constitutional role as the only forms of money states could recognize as legal tender in payment of debts. Today, countless Wall Street types make a living trying to pierce the armor of gold in print and on television.

Fear not! It’s true that sound money’s lionhearted soldier hasn’t launched the fatal arrow that finally slays the fiat money system run by the world’s central bankers. But the battle is tipping further in the direction of our fearless hero every day.

States are taking the necessary steps to unshackle gold from its bureaucratic chains. 36 states across the union have an exemption against sales taxes being levied in precious metals purchases. Arizona has moved towards widespread acceptance of gold and silver by recognizing its legal tender status while removing capital gains taxes on precious metals holdings, with Wyoming, Idaho, and Tennessee not far behind. Texas is setting an example on how to shore up pension funds using gold, not to mention creating its own bullion depository.

Step by step, hard money forces are making advances. They still have a long way to go, of course. But they can draw inspiration from previous epic struggles against powerful foes.

During Diwali, millions of people around the world will celebrate the victory of their courageous and valiant hero, Lord Rama. Meanwhile, we can all celebrate gold’s continued ability to not only survive the onslaught coming from gold-cynics everywhere, but also to steadily re-establish itself as constitutional money.


Jp Cortez
September 25, 2017 at 11:20AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Federal Funding is Erasing the Line Between State and Federal Policing


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

The federal government has fundamentally transformed state and local law enforcement agencies into a national police force, using funding to incentivize local cops to focus on federal law enforcement priorities.

The Department of Homeland Security other federal agencies funnel billions of dollars to local police departments through grant programs and equipment transfers. Of course, the feds tie virtually all of the money to specific enforcement objectives, whether it be the war on drugs, traffic safety, or anti-terrorism. The availability of so much cash and equipment skews law enforcement priorities to those the feds want to focus on, and can pull resources away from local policing priorities.

According to the FBI, the national clearance rate for homicide today stands at just over 64 percent. Fifty years ago, it was more than 90 percent. While correlation does not equal causation, many analysts believe the shift in law enforcement priorities may factor into the increasing stack of unsolved murders. With so many resources pouring into the drug war and the war on terror, little remains for more traditional policing objectives.

Tennessee provides with an example the reveals just how much federal money pours into state and local law enforcement agencies. Last month, the Tennessee Highway Safety Office handed out $19 million in grants across the state. According to the Jefferson City Standard Bannerthese highway safety grants announced included $30,000 to the Jefferson County Sheriff’s Department, $20,000 to the Jefferson City Police Department, $15,000 to Dandridge Police Department, $5,000 to the White Pine Police Department, and $5,000 to the Baneberry Police Department. Officials say there were 400 approved grant applications across the Volunteer State.

The Tennessee Highway Safety Office administers this cash cow. But where did the money come from? The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration. According to the paper, “applicants who meet the required data-driven criteria and highway safety standards are awarded grant funds to support THSO’s mission to reduce traffic crashes, injuries and fatalities.” You can bet your bottom dollar the feds dictate those THSO’s mission and data-drive criteria through the funding strings.

Multiplied across all 50 states, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration administers over $500 million in grant programs annually, according to its website. In July 2012, Congress passed the Moving Ahead for Progress in the 21st Century Act (MAP-21). The NHTSA program provides $1.3 billion for highway safety grants programs and requires “that all States have a performance-based highway safety program designed to reduce traffic crashes and the resulting deaths, injuries, and property damage.”

In other words, states get the cash as long as they adopt federal priorities as their own.

The federal government was never intended to involve itself in state and local policing, and it has no constitutional authority to do so. But the feds want to fight a war on drugs. They want to enforce their highway safety standards. They want to run “homeland security.” Because it remains constitutionally difficult for the feds to directly order local cops around, they utilize the “soft” control of funding.

This doesn’t just come in the form of cash. The Department of Defense 1033 program and other federal schemes allow state and local cops to procure billions of dollars worth of surplus military gear. The main function of local police militarization revolves around the unconstitutional “war on drugs.” After all, wars require soldiers, and the federal government doesn’t have the manpower to fight alone. The feds need state and local police to serve as foot-soldiers in their drug war. Militarization, combined with asset forfeiture cash, incentivizes the necessary cooperation.

All of this cash and equipment have blurred the lines between local and federal policing almost to oblivion. Police departments participate in countless multi-agency taskforces. Local police chiefs often reference their “federal partners.” The federal government has become so interwoven into local and state law enforcement agencies to the point that generally no distinction exists.

The only way to untangle the federal government from your local police department is to cut the funding strings. That will never happen from the top down. D.C. will keep dangling the carrot. Change has to happen at the local level. It requires intense grassroots activism to push city councils and state legislatures to forgo the federal cash and set their own law enforcement priorities. Police department administrators will howl in protest. And cutting funding is never an easy message to sell. But keep in mind that once free from the mandates attached to the funding, police can focus on violent crime and property crimes instead of spending all of their time and energy doing the federal government’s bidding.


Mike Maharrey
September 24, 2017 at 08:29PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Now in Effect: Maine Law Prohibits Any State Gun Registry


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

AUGUSTA, Maine (Sept. 25. 2017) – A law prohibiting any type of state firearms registry is now in effect in Maine. The law will not only protect the privacy of Maine gun owners, it will also hinder the federal government’s ability to develop a firearms database and create a climate less favorable to federal gun control.

Rep. Patrick Corey (R-Windham) spondored House Bill 9 (LD9) along with a bipartisan coalition. The new law declares:

“Notwithstanding any other provision of law to the contrary, a government agency of this State or a political subdivision of this State may not keep or cause to be kept a comprehensive registry of privately owned firearms and the owners of those firearms within its jurisdiction.”

The House approved the joint Committee on Criminal Justice and Public Safety’s “ought to pass” report by a 122-24 margin. The Senate unanimously passed it 35-0. Both chambers then voted for LD9 to be enacted by a voice vote. Gov. Paul LePage signed the bill on June 12 and it went into immediate effect.

The federal government depends on state cooperation for all kinds of information-gathering. For instance, most of the data in a DEA license plate tracking database reported on by the Wall Street Journal comes from state and local law enforcement. Local police operate tracking systems, paid for by federal grant money. The DEA then taps into the local database.

In the same way, the ATF, or another federal agency, could easily create a federal gun registry using information gathered by state and local governments. By prohibiting any such databases in the state, Maine ensures this can’t happen. Simply put, no data means no federal database.

Ensuring the privacy of firearms owners also subtly undermines federal efforts to regulate guns. As we’ve seen with marijuana and industrial hemp, a federal regulation becomes ineffective when states ignore it and pass laws encouraging the prohibited activity anyway. The federal government lacks the enforcement power necessary to maintain its ban, and people will willingly take on the small risk of federal sanctions if they know the state will not interfere. This increases when the state actively encourages “the market.”

Less restrictive state gun laws will likely have a similar impact on federal gun laws. It will make it that much more difficult for the feds to enforce any future federal gun control, and increase the likelihood that states with few limits will simply refuse to cooperate with future federal enforcement efforts.

State actions like prohibiting gun registries lower barriers for those wanting to the option of defending themselves with firearms and encourages a “gun-friendly” environment that will make federal efforts to limit firearms that much more difficult.


TJ Martinell
September 24, 2017 at 04:27PM