Tenth Amendment Center: The Struggle for American Independence: Parliamentary Sovereignty


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

In this episode, I cover the Parliamentary Sovereign doctrine and articulate why it is so integral to the entire struggle between the colonies and crown. Taxation was the flashpoint between colonists and the British government, but a deeper issue was underneath  – Parliament’s power over the colonies and the rights of the colonists as Englishmen. The British position was the Parliament could legislate for the entire British Empire and was superior to colonial legislatures. That gave it absolute power over the colonies. But the colonists viewed things differently. In this episode, I compare and contrast these divergent points of view.

WATCH

Other recommended reading(s):

-James Iredell, To the Inhabitants of Great Britain

-Thomas Jefferson, A Summary View of the Rights of British America

-William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England

-Samuel Adams and James Otis, Massachusetts Circular Letter

-Richard Bland, An Enquiry Into the Rights of the English Colonies


Dave Benner
May 31, 2018 at 09:16AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Privacy Localism Grows as Communities Take Steps to Limit Surveillance State


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

The Edward Snowden revelations shined a spotlight on the NSA and stirred up widespread outrage over warrantless surveillance. But Congress did nothing.

In fact, it has extended surveillance “authority” and given federal agencies even more leeway to spy on Americans. But while D.C. politicians have shown little willingness rein in the ever-expanding surveillance state, activists have had more success addressing the issue at the local level.

Earlier this month, the Oakland, California, City Council gave final approval to a local ordinance that sets the stage to limit the acquisition and use of spy gear by law enforcement and other city agencies. Activists called it the strongest such ordinance in the country, saying it gives “Oakland communities the power to understand the technologies that are being proposed in the city and to have a voice in saying if, when and how surveillance is used in the city.”

The new ordinance ensures there will be public notice and debate before the city acquires or uses surveillance technology. Specifically, the new law requires all city entities to seek city council approval before purchasing or using any new surveillance technology or equipment, and before accepting grant funds for such gear. The new law creates a multi-step process. City agencies, including police, must submit a “surveillance use policy” to the Privacy Advisory Commission for consideration. The city council must then adopt the approved policy the technology can be purchased or operated. The ordinance includes specific criteria the city council must consider in order to determine if the benefits of the technology outweigh the costs.

Oakland is the latest city government to pass such an ordinance, but not the first. In fact, there is a growing movement some have dubbed “privacy localism.” A similar ordinance passed in Santa Clara County in 2016.

Berkeley and Davis approved similar measures recently. These ordinances were based on model legislation developed by the ACLU with input from the Tenth Amendment Center. These are just a few of the municipalities that have introduced measures as part of the #TakeCTRL initiative. And it’s not just happening in California. Nashville, Tenn., Seattle, Wash., and Somerville, Mass., now have ordinances requiring local government approval for surveillance technology on the books. According to the ACLU, at least 19 other municipalities are considering measures based on this model.

These ordinances take an important first step toward limiting surveillance by establishing oversight and transparency. As Slate pointed out, evidence shows that public notice and the resulting input from residents can slow the proliferation of surveillance technology.

“Even where no privacy commissions have been established and no ordinances have been passed, municipalities have demonstrated the value of offering opportunities for public input around surveillance tech. For example, San Pablo and Alameda City Councils in California canceled their planned expansions of automatic license plate readers after holding public meetings in which residents raised concerns. Similarly, New Orleans recently ended its relationship with predictive policing vendor Palantir. That came in response to public outrage just two weeks after the Verge broke the story that its police department had been secretly using Palantir’s tech for six years without even the city council knowing.”

The Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) supports the movement to rein in surveillance through local efforts, noting that the federal government has effectively “commandeered” the surveillance programs of state and local governments.

A bill moving through the California legislature would mandate a similar process of local government approval throughout the state. SB1186 would require a local law enforcement agency to draft a Surveillance Use Policy for each type of surveillance technology it operates and the information collected. It would then have to submit the policy to its governing body for approval at a regularly scheduled hearing, open to the public. 

If the plan is not adopted, the law enforcement agency would be required to cease using all surveillance technology within 30 days. The proposed law would require law enforcement agencies to amend their use policies for any new surveillance technology they acquire in the future, subject to the same approval requirements. Without approval, the agency could not use the new technology. 

Local police have access to a mind-boggling array of surveillance equipment. As it now stands, many law enforcement agencies can obtain this high-tech, extremely intrusive technology without any approval or oversight. As Slate pointed out, it amounts to “policymaking by procurement“, a situation in which “important decisions being made about police power based simply on the fact that the feds were willing to cut a check for the tech, rather than being based on careful consideration by local elected officials.”

The federal government facilitates local surveillance through grants and other funding sources for this spy-gear, meaning local governments can keep their purchase “off the books.” Members of the community, and even elected officials, often don’t know their police departments possess technology capable of sweeping up electronic data, phone calls and location information.

In some cases, the feds even require law enforcement agencies to sign non-disclosure agreements, wrapping surveillance programs in an even darker shroud of secrecy. We know for a fact the FBI required the Baltimore Police Department to sign such an agreement when it obtained stingray technology. This policy of nondisclosure even extends to the courtroom, with the feds actually instructing prosecutors to withdraw evidence if judges or legislators press for information. As the Baltimore Sun reported, a Baltimore detective refused to answer questions about the department’s use of stingray devices on the stand during a trial, citing a federal nondisclosure agreement.

As privacysos.org put it, “The FBI would rather police officers and prosecutors let ‘criminals’ go than face a possible scenario where a defendant brings a Fourth Amendment challenge to warrantless stingray spying.”

Ordinances based on the TakeCTRL model create a framework of oversight and transparency for surveillance programs. They also set the stage to limit surveillance by giving residents input into the process and allowing them to oppose and stop the purchase of spy-gear.

Impact on Federal Surveillance

Passage of local ordinances not only protects the privacy of people in that area. They also undermine the federal surveillance state. The federal government funds much of the surveillance technology acquired by state and local law enforcement. In return, federal agencies tap into the data swept up by these agencies through information sharing agreements and fusion centers. Information gathered by your local police department often ends up permanently stored in federal databases. These create the backbone of the federal surveillance state.

The feds can share and tap into vast amounts of information gathered at the state and local level through a system known as the “information sharing environment” or ISE. In other words, local data collection using ALPRs, stingrays and other technologies create the potential for the federal government to track the movement of millions of Americans, and obtain and store information on millions of Americans, including phone calls, emails, web browsing history and text messages, all with no warrant, no probable cause, and without the people even knowing it.

According to its website, the ISE “provides analysts, operators, and investigators with information needed to enhance national security. These analysts, operators, and investigators… have mission needs to collaborate and share information with each other and with private sector partners and our foreign allies.” In other words, ISE serves as a conduit for the sharing of information gathered without a warrant.

By facilitating local surveillance, the federal government undoubtedly gains access to a massive data pool on Americans without having to expend the resources to collect the information itself. By requiring approval and placing the acquisition of spy gear in the public spotlight, local governments can take the first step toward limiting the surveillance state at both the local and national level.

In a nutshell, without state and local cooperation, the feds have a much more difficult time gathering information. This represents a major blow to the surveillance state and a win for privacy.

Passage of an ordinance in one locality may not seem significant. But when multiplied over hundreds of cities and counties across the United States, this strategy could seriously undermine federal surveillance programs. If local police can’t collect and share the data, it cannot end up in federal databases.


Mike Maharrey
May 31, 2018 at 05:27AM

Memorial Day: Something To Remember


Memorial Day:  Something To Remember By KrisAnne Hall, JD   Our contemporary American experience seems often Orwellian.  We have a Congress that denies our Rights in the name of security.  We have a judiciary that often denies the Constitution and violates it by asserting a power to make law.  Many patriots have expended a great […]

The post Memorial Day: Something To Remember appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com May 28, 2018 at 08:56AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Feds Building Giant Surveillance Network on America’s Transportation System with State and Local Help


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

The federal government is in the process of using America’s transportation system as a platform to create a massive surveillance network. A recent announcement by a municipal transit authority in Virginia sheds light on this plan and exposes how the feds develop partnerships with state and local governments, along with private organizations, to spy on millions of Americans.

The Greater Richmond Transit Company (GRTC) recently announced plans to install more than 100 live surveillance cameras at stops along a rapid transit line. According to a WTVR report, GRTC plans to install approximately four cameras at 26 Pulse stops along Broad Street. The system will be live 24 hours a day and directly connected to the city’s 911 facility.

The ACLU of Virginia opposes the system. The organization’s director of strategic communications said constant monitoring changes the nature of a community.

“There’s very little evidence that this type of surveillance enhances public safety, and there is every reason to think that it inhibits people. That it causes us to behave differently than we would if we weren’t being watched,” Bill Farrar said, adding that the system will “keep tabs” on people who rely on public transit.

“GRTC has said in promoting this, in promoting the need for this particular line, we want to help people get out of the East End food desert. So we’re saying use this to get the food that you need, but we’re going to watch you while you do it.”

GRTC Pulse is “a modern, high quality, high capacity rapid transit system serving a 7.6-mile route.” It was developed through a partnership between the U.S. Department of Transportation, the Virginia Department of Transportation, the City of Richmond and Henrico County.

According to Style Weekly, “this new system will bring the total number of easily accessible, city or government-owned cameras available to police and other authorities to more than 300, including roughly 200 stationary cameras Richmond police already have easy access to, and 32 cameras owned by city police.”

Farrar called the proliferation of cameras in the city “troubling.”

“In practice, the use of these systems and the data they collect is almost always expanded, giving law enforcement more information than they need or should have about the personal lives of law-abiding people.”

According to WTVR, the federal government required the installation of surveillance cameras along the new transit route as a condition of funding the project.

“Officials said the federal TIGER grant used to fund the half of the project required the installation of the camera system.”

This spotlights how the federal government uses funding to incentivize state and local agencies to participate in the creation of a national surveillance state. Not only do they attach strings to project funding such as this camera requirement in Richmond, they also finance many state and local surveillance programs outright.

State and local agencies have access to a mind-boggling array of surveillance equipment. The federal government offers grants and other funding sources for this spy-gear. By tapping into federal money, law enforcement agencies can sometimes even keep purchases of surveillance technology “off the books.” In other words, they can purchase high-tech surveillance equipment without any local government or public oversight. In fact, city councils, county governments and mayors may not even know police have obtained the equipment. This makes it difficult to determine just how expansive the American surveillance state has become.

When reports come out such as the recent revelation of Richmond’s transit stop cameras, it cracks open the door and allows us to see just how the feds work with state and local agencies to expand its massive surveillance network.

In this case, it reveals that the federal government is piggybacking onto the transportation system to spy on Americans.

MassPrivatel monitors the expanding surveillance state across the U.S. A recent blog post on its website asserted that the “DHS and the TSA’s role in turning public transportation into city-wide police surveillance networks is unmistakable.”

Digging into this government scheme to turn the transportation system into a surveillance platform reveals a complicated tangle of state, local and federal government agencies, along with private organizations, all involved in expanding the surveillance state.

A 2010 US Government Accountability Office report titled ‘Public Transit Information Sharing’ highlights the TSA and DHS’s role in creating a giant public transit surveillance network working through various partnerships. The report also reveals information sharing going on between local transit authorities, local law enforcement, the Department of Homeland Security and the TSA.

“Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the federal government, including DHS, has taken a number of actions to enhance the security of transportation systems. These actions include improving information sharing with its critical sector stakeholders, which is highlighted in the 2008 Department of Homeland Security Information Sharing Strategy, as well as the 2009 National Infrastructure Protection Plan (NIPP). To help facilitate information sharing with the public transit industry, DHS and the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) have created and funded a number of mechanisms, including the Public Transportation Information Sharing and Analysis Center (PT-ISAC), which is administered by the American Public Transportation Association (APTA). The PT-ISAC was created under the direction of the Department of Transportation (DOT) in 2003 and is currently funded by TSA via DOT’s Federal Transit Administration (FTA). In addition to DHS, other federal agencies, such as the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and FTA, have also taken action to enhance their efforts to share security-related information with public and private stakeholders, including public transit agencies.”

The APTA is a nonprofit organization serving as an advocate for the advancement of public transportation programs and initiatives in the U.S. Its website describes it as “the leading force in advancing public transportation.” But as the GOA report indicates, it also administers the PT-ISAC – a transportation surveillance program. PT-ISAC collects, stores and disseminates information related to transportation security. It also publishes The Transit And Rail Intelligence Awareness Daily (TRIAD).

“The TRIAD is developed from the numerous sources of intelligence available to the Transportation community today, focusing on counter-terrorism, suspicious activity reports, and general security awareness. The Surface Transportation Security Information Library, available to those vetted to receive the TRIAD, acts as an information repository housing all sources of information provided in the TRIAD as well as other security products, information reviews, and intelligence not provided in the TRIAD. The information will remain available to users as a means for accessing the entirety of intelligence reviewed in the TRIAD and other relevant information, serving as a resource for future research into threats or mitigation techniques.”

Where does information filling the Surface Transportation Security Information Library come from? Almost certainly from camera systems and other surveillance technology funded by the federal government, or required by it in transportation grant awards such as the one used to fund Richmond’s rapid transit line.

Further digging revealed how this works.

A private company called IIT operates the PT-ISAC for the APTA. The company website confirms the whole system operates as a two-way information highway with surveillance data moving back and forth between state, local and federal agencies.

“The PT-ISAC collects, analyzes, and reports critical cyber and physical security and threat information from innumerable sources to include the U.S. private infrastructures, U.S. intelligence community, U.S, Government, U.S. Military, law enforcement, academia, and the international CERT community on a 24×7 basis. The PT-ISAC provides a secure, two-way reporting and analysis structure that enables the transmission of critical alerts and advisories as well as the collection, analysis and reporting of security information for transit agencies across the nation.”

To sum this up, the Department of Homeland Security and the TSA continue to develop a massive, intrusive surveillance network built on America’s transportation system. A private, nonprofit organization administers the system and a private company actually runs it. Meanwhile, federal agencies, including the DHS, the Department of Transportation and the Department of Justice fund the equipment used to collect reams of information on millions of Americans, and also requires participation in the surveillance state as a condition of funding various transportation infrastructure projects.

This demonstrates the federal government’s dependence on state and local government actors to run the ever-growing surveillance. It also reveals its Achilles heel. If state and local governments probit participation in such schemes, they could effectively pull the plug on these surveillance programs.

There are several steps state and local governments need to take.

  1. Refuse federal funds that require participation in surveillance programs.
  2. Prohibit storage and sharing of surveillance data with other agencies without a warrant.
  3. Institute warrant requirements for surveillance technologies such as stingrays, drones and mobile cameras.
  4. Require government agencies to get local government approval before acquiring or using surveillance technology.

Mike Maharrey
May 26, 2018 at 10:28AM

Watching the Whittling Away of the 1st Amendment


Liberty is very rarely lost over night. It is almost always done in slow degrees. Will Americans allow this important Liberty be diminished in the name of politics, personality, and political parties?

The post Watching the Whittling Away of the 1st Amendment appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com May 26, 2018 at 09:19AM

Donald Trump, Twitter, & The First Amendment


Donald Trump, Twitter, & The First Amendment By KrisAnne Hall, JD   President Trump has been blocking people from his @realDonaldTrump account. The question becomes; is the Right to freedom of speech being violated by Trump through his actions on Twitter.  The answer to this question requires a two step process. First, Twitter is a […]

The post Donald Trump, Twitter, & The First Amendment appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com May 24, 2018 at 01:27PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Rhode Island Bill Would Legalize Marijuana; Foundation to Nullify Federal Prohibition


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

PROVIDENCE, R.I. (May 24, 2018) – A bill filed in the Rhode Island Senate would legalize marijuana, setting the foundation to nullify federal cannabis prohibition in effect in the state.

Sen. Joshua Miller (D-Cranston) introduced Senate Bill 2985 (S2985) on May 16. The legislation would allow adults 21 or older to use, purchase or transport up to one ounce of marijuana. Individuals would be permitted to possess up to five ounces of marijuana in their homes. The bill would institute a 10 percent marijuana sales tax which would be levied in addition to the existing state sales tax.

Violating the rules and regulations for possession and distribution of marijuana would still be considered a criminal offense under the law. Local communities could regulate but not ban cultivation facilities and manufacturing centers under S2985. Marijuana processors, retailers and transporters would have to be licensed by the state.

“The general public consistently polls in Rhode Island and elsewhere very much in favor of this, over 60%. I think that legislators haven’t caught up with their constituents yet,” Sen. Miller said, according to a WPRO report.

Despite the federal prohibition on marijuana, measures such as S2985 remain perfectly constitutional, and the feds can do little if anything to stop them in practice.

LEGALITY

Under the Controlled Substances Act (CSA) passed in 1970, the feds maintain complete prohibition of cannabis. Of course, the federal government lacks any constitutional authority to ban or regulate marijuana within the borders of a state, despite the opinion of the politically connected lawyers on the Supreme Court. If you doubt this, ask yourself why it took a constitutional amendment to institute federal alcohol prohibition.

Legalization of marijuana in Rhode Island would remove another layer of laws prohibiting the possession and use of marijuana, but federal prohibition will remain on the books.

FBI statistics show that law enforcement makes approximately 99 of 100 marijuana arrests under state, not federal law. By mostly ending state prohibition, Rhode Island essentially sweeps away most of the basis for 99 percent of marijuana arrests.

Furthermore, figures indicate it would take 40 percent of the DEA’s yearly-budget just to investigate and raid all of the dispensaries in Los Angeles – a single city in a single state. That doesn’t include the cost of prosecution. The lesson? The feds lack the resources to enforce marijuana prohibition without state assistance.

A GROWING MOVEMENT

Medical marijuana is currently legal in Rhode Island. Passage of S2985 would further ignore federal prohibition and nullify it in practice in the state. Colorado, Washington state, Oregon and Alaska were the first states to legalize recreational cannabis, and California, Nevada, Maine and Massachusetts joined them after ballot initiatives in favor of legalization passed in November 2016. In January, Vermont became the first state to legalize marijuana through a legislative act.

With 30 states allowing cannabis for medical use as well, the feds find themselves in a position where they simply can’t enforce prohibition anymore.

“The lesson here is pretty straightforward. When enough people say, ‘No!’ to the federal government, and enough states pass laws backing those people up, there’s not much the feds can do to shove their so-called laws, regulations or mandates down our throats,” Tenth Amendment Center founder and executive director Michael Boldin said.

NEXT UP

S2985 was referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee where it will need to pass by a majority vote before moving forward in the legislative process.


Shane Trejo
May 24, 2018 at 09:46AM

State Power over Sports Gambling is Not the Same State Power Over Aliens and This is Why


State Power over Sports Gambling is Not the Same State Power Over Aliens and This is Why By KrisAnne Hall, JD “To assert that the two are the same, undermines the authority of the Constitution itself and has the potential to create the very crisis the creators of the Constitution were attempting to avoid.” The […]

The post State Power over Sports Gambling is Not the Same State Power Over Aliens and This is Why appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com May 23, 2018 at 01:07PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Minnesota Bill Would Legalize Marijuana; Foundation to Nullify Federal Prohibition


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

ST. PAUL, Minn. (May 23, 2018) – A bill filed in the Minnesota House would legalize marijuana, setting the foundation to nullify federal cannabis prohibition in effect in the state.

Rep. Mike Freiberg (DFL-Golden Valley) introduced House Bill 4541 (HF4541) with 11 co-sponsors on May 20. The legislation would allow adults aged 21 or older to possess, use, purchase or transport up to one ounce of marijuana. Disobeying the rules and regulations for possession and distribution of marijuana would still be considered a criminal offense under the law.

Local communities would be permitted to levy special regulations on retail marijuana stores, cultivation facilities and manufacturing centers as long as they don’t restrict them from operating. The health commissioner would be tasked to write regulations for processors, retailers and transporters under guidelines listed in the bill.

Despite the federal prohibition on marijuana, measures such as HF4541 remain perfectly constitutional, and the feds can do little if anything to stop them in practice.

LEGALITY

Under the Controlled Substances Act (CSA) passed in 1970, the feds maintain complete prohibition of cannabis. Of course, the federal government lacks any constitutional authority to ban or regulate marijuana within the borders of a state, despite the opinion of the politically connected lawyers on the Supreme Court. If you doubt this, ask yourself why it took a constitutional amendment to institute federal alcohol prohibition.

Legalization of marijuana in Minnesota would remove another layer of laws prohibiting the possession and use of marijuana, but federal prohibition will remain on the books.

FBI statistics show that law enforcement makes approximately 99 of 100 marijuana arrests under state, not federal law. By mostly ending state prohibition, Minnesota essentially sweeps away most of the basis for 99 percent of marijuana arrests.

Furthermore, figures indicate it would take 40 percent of the DEA’s yearly-budget just to investigate and raid all of the dispensaries in Los Angeles – a single city in a single state. That doesn’t include the cost of prosecution. The lesson? The feds lack the resources to enforce marijuana prohibition without state assistance.

A GROWING MOVEMENT

Medical marijuana is currently legal in Minnesota. Passage of HF4541 would further ignore federal prohibition and nullify it in practice in the state. Colorado, Washington state, Oregon and Alaska were the first states to legalize recreational cannabis, and California, Nevada, Maine and Massachusetts joined them after ballot initiatives in favor of legalization passed in November 2016. In January, Vermont became the first state to legalize marijuana through a legislative act.

With 30 states allowing cannabis for medical use as well, the feds find themselves in a position where they simply can’t enforce prohibition anymore.

“The lesson here is pretty straightforward. When enough people say, ‘No!’ to the federal government, and enough states pass laws backing those people up, there’s not much the feds can do to shove their so-called laws, regulations or mandates down our throats,” Tenth Amendment Center founder and executive director Michael Boldin said.

NEXT UP

HF4541 was referred to the House Health and Human Services Reform Committee where it will need to pass by a majority vote before moving forward in the legislative process.


Shane Trejo
May 23, 2018 at 10:25AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Society and the State: Is the 10th Amendment Still Relevant?


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

This week, I was interviewed by Connor Boyack on his podcast, Society and the State.

We discussed some general strategy, the annual State of the Nullification Movement Report, and specific state-by-state issues, including raw milk, asset forfeiture, right to try, and marijuana legalization.

Connor is a former volunteer with the TAC and the president of Libertas Institute in Utah. He’s also the author of a series of fantastic books on liberty for kids, The Tuttle Twins – and an all-around great person. I really enjoyed the opportunity to be on his show.

LISTEN:

Here’s an overview of the show from Society and the State:

When the U.S. Constitution was written, the balance of power between the states and the federal government they called into existence was very different. Under federalism, the states and the people were superior to the federal government in all but a very few, clearly enumerated areas. The framers drove this point home in the 10th Amendment to the Bill of Rights. Over time, however, this relationship has been turned on its head. Michael Boldin from the 10th Amendment Center joins us to discuss why this happened and whether the 10th Amendment remains relevant in our day.


Michael Boldin
May 23, 2018 at 09:50AM

Tenth Amendment Center: LEAP Looking for Law Enforcement Professionals to Stand Up for the Constitution


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

Any effort to rein in the drug war, stop warrantless surveillance or reform asset forfeiture laws will inevitably bring out fierce opposition from powerful law enforcement lobbyists. But not every cop opposes such reforms. In fact, you will find many police officers, sheriffs and deputies, corrections officers, federal agents, judges and prosecutors who take their constitutional oaths of office seriously and support criminal justice and public safety reforms.

The Law Enforcement Action Partnership (LEAP) unites and mobilizes these law enforcement professionals in support of drug policy and criminal justice reforms. LEAP works to make communities safer by focusing law enforcement resources on the greatest threats to public safety. That means following local policing priorities, not serving as federal foot-soldiers in an unconstitutional national “War on Drugs.”  The organization also promotes alternatives to arrest and incarceration and works to address the root causes of crime. Ultimately, the goal is to work toward healing police-community relations.

LEAP has over 5,000 members and a roster of 200 speakers across the country.

These speakers drive LEAP’s boots-on-the-ground activism. They support local and state criminal justice reform initiatives by educating policy-makers and the public. LEAP speakers appear in all kinds of settings, including TV ad campaigns, press conferences, panel discussions, conferences, legislative hearings and community meetings. They also contribute op-eds, provide media interviews, meet with editorial boards, join sign-on letters, and meet privately with legislators and local law enforcement.

The least visible but arguably most important thing LEAP speakers do is offer testimony at state legislatures. These law enforcement experts often testify during hearings in favor of legislation to reform drug laws, to require convictions before seizing a person’s assets, to limit police militarization and to stop warrantless surveillance.

I can’t overstate the importance of elevating a law enforcement voice to counter the establishment police lobbyists. It shatters the illusion that the law enforcement community marches in lockstep to support the drug war, police militarization, asset forfeiture and warrantless surveillance. It reminds legislators that there are law enforcement professionals committed to honoring their oath to protect and defend the Constitution, and serve and protect their communities.

LEAP experts counter the mainstream law enforcement narrative and provide a crucial alternative voice during the legislative process.

The Tenth Amendment Center is excited to develop a closer relationship with LEAP. Our goal is to help connect LEAP speakers with bill sponsors in state legislatures. These law enforcement experts will not only be able to help push legislation forward by testifying at committee hearings, they will also be able to advise legislators and help them craft tighter bills.

If you are a current or former law enforcement officer, LEAP could use your help. The organization is looking for experts to add to its roster of speakers in a number of states. If you are interested, contact LEAP Program Director Amos Irwin at Amos@LawEnforcementAction.org with a brief summary of your law enforcement background.

 


Mike Maharrey
May 23, 2018 at 09:21AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Anti-Commandeering: An overview of five major Supreme Court cases


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

The Supreme Court has long held that states do not have to be active participants in the enforcement or effectuation of federal acts or regulatory programs.

The basis for what is now known as the legal doctrine of “anti-commandeering” was the advice of James Madison, writing in Federalist #46. There, he advised four primary tactics for individuals and states to effectively push back against federal overreach, including a “refusal to cooperate with officers of the Union.”

The following are the five landmark cases where the Court has upheld this doctrine.

In Prigg v. Pennsylvania (1842), Justice Joseph Story held that the federal government could not force states to implement or carry out the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793. He said that it was a federal law, and the federal government ultimately had to enforce it:

The fundamental principle applicable to all cases of this sort, would seem to be, that where the end is required, the means are given; and where the duty is enjoined, the ability to perform it is contemplated to exist on the part of the functionaries to whom it is entrusted. The clause is found in the national Constitution, and not in that of any state. It does not point out any state functionaries, or any state action to carry its provisions into effect. The states cannot, therefore, be compelled to enforce them; and it might well be deemed an unconstitutional exercise of the power of interpretation, to insist that the states are bound to provide means to carry into effect the duties of the national government, nowhere delegated or instrusted to them by the Constitution.

In New York v. United States (1992) the Court held that the regulations in the Low-Level Radioactive Waste Policy Amendment Act of 1985 were coercive and violated the sovereignty of New York, holding that “because the Act’s take title provision offers the States a ‘choice’ between the two unconstitutionally coercive alternatives–either accepting ownership of waste or regulating according to Congress’ instructions–the provision lies outside Congress’ enumerated powers and is inconsistent with the Tenth Amendment.”

Sandra Day O’Connor wrote for the majority in the 6-3 decision:

As an initial matter, Congress may not simply “commandee[r] the legislative processes of the States by directly compelling them to enact and enforce a federal regulatory program.”

 She later expounded on this point.

While Congress has substantial powers to govern the Nation directly, including in areas of intimate concern to the States, the Constitution has never been understood to confer upon Congress the ability to require the States to govern according to Congress’ instructions.

Printz v. United States (1997) serves as the lynchpin for the anti-commandeering doctrine. At issue was a provision in the Brady Gun Bill that required county law enforcement officers to administer part of the background check program. Sheriffs Jay Printz and Richard Mack sued, arguing these provisions unconstitutionally forced them to administer a federal program. Justice Antonin Scalia agreed, writing in the majority opinion “it is apparent that the Brady Act purports to direct state law enforcement officers to participate, albeit only temporarily, in the administration of a federally enacted regulatory scheme.”

Citing the New York case, the court majority declared this provision of the Brady Gun Bill unconstitutional, expanding the reach of the anti-commandeering doctrine.

We held in New York that Congress cannot compel the States to enact or enforce a federal regulatory program.

Today we hold that Congress cannot circumvent that prohibition by conscripting the States’ officers directly. The Federal Government may neither issue directives requiring the States to address particular problems, nor command the States’ officers, or those of their political subdivisions, to administer or enforce a federal regulatory program. It matters not whether policymaking is involved, and no case-by-case weighing of the burdens or benefits is necessary; such commands are fundamentally incompatible with our constitutional system of dual sovereignty.

In Independent Business v. Sebelius (2012), the Court held that the federal government cannot compel states to expand Medicaid by threatening to withhold funding for Medicaid programs already in place. Justice Robert Kennedy argued that allowing Congress to essentially punish states that refused to go along violates constitutional separation of powers.

The legitimacy of Congress’s exercise of the spending power “thus rests on whether the State voluntarily and knowingly accepts the terms of the ‘contract.’ ” Pennhurst, supra, at 17. Respecting this limitation is critical to ensuring that Spending Clause legislation does not undermine the status of the States as independent sovereigns in our federal system. That system “rests on what might at first seem a counterintuitive insight, that ‘freedom is enhanced by the creation of two governments, not one.’ ” Bond, 564 U. S., at     (slip op., at 8) (quoting Alden v. Maine, 527 U. S. 706, 758 (1999) ). For this reason, “the Constitution has never been understood to confer upon Congress the ability to require the States to govern according to Congress’ instructions.” New York, supra, at 162. Otherwise the two-government system established by the Framers would give way to a system that vests power in one central government, and individual liberty would suffer.

In Murphy v. NCAA (2018), the Court held that Congress can’t take any action that “dictates what a state legislature may and may not do” even when the state action conflicts with federal law. Samuel Alito wrote, “a more direct affront to state sovereignty is not easy to imagine.” He continued:

The anticommandeering doctrine may sound arcane, but it is simply the expression of a fundamental structural decision incorporated into the Constitution, i.e., the decision to withhold from Congress the power to issue orders directly to the States … Conspicuously absent from the list of powers given to Congress is the power to issue direct orders to the governments of the States. The anticommandeering doctrine simply represents the recognition of this limit on congressional authority.

Taken together, these five cases firmly establish a legal doctrine holding that the federal government has no authority to force states to participate in implementing or enforcing its acts.

Madison’s advice in Federalist #46, supported by the anti-commandeering doctrine, provides a powerful tool that states can use against federal acts and regulatory programs.


Mike Maharrey
May 23, 2018 at 08:53AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Proposed St. Louis Ordinance Would Create Oversight and Transparency for Surveillance Programs


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

ST. LOUIS, Mo. (May 22, 2018) – The St. Louis City Board of Alderman will consider a local ordinance that would the stage to limit the acquisition and use of spy gear by law enforcement and other city agencies. The proposed law would also help limit the impact of the federal surveillance state.

A group of aldermen and activists announced the proposed ordinance during a press conference earlier this month. The proposed law would require government agencies to get Board of Alderman approval before purchasing or using surveillance technology. The proposed ordinance would also require accountability reports for installation and continued use of any surveillance equipment.

“This could not come at a more important time,” Alderwoman Cara Spencer said during the press conference. “As we start to implement mechanisms of surveillance, we have got to make sure that we are safeguarding the public and their rights to their own privacy.”

According to a report in the Riverfront Times, police already operate more than 500 surveillance cameras throughout the city.

“The city launched the Real Time Crime Center in May 2015, allowing for police to monitor activity throughout the city in, yes, real time via surveillance cameras, including license plate recognition systems, which scan traffic for stolen cars. Police say the privately funded center has increased safety for both citizens and police officers.”

Passage of the proposed ordinance would take the first step toward ensuring surveillance technology is operated with transparency and oversight in St. Louis. It would also give residents a say in the process and provide an avenue to limit the proliferation of surveillance technology.

The proposed ordinance was based on model legislation developed by the ACLU with input from the Tenth Amendment Center. Davis is one of multiple cities that have introduced measures as part of the #TakeCTRL initiative.

Impact

Local police have access to a mind-boggling array of surveillance equipment. As it now stands, many law enforcement agencies can obtain this high-tech, extremely intrusive technology without any approval or oversight. Police often operate highly intrusive surveillance technology in complete secrecy.

The federal government facilitates local surveillance through grants and other funding sources for this spy-gear, meaning local governments can keep their purchase “off the books.” Members of the community, and even elected officials, often don’t know their police departments possess technology capable of sweeping up electronic data, phone calls and location information.

In some cases, the feds even require law enforcement agencies to sign non-disclosure agreements, wrapping surveillance programs in an even darker shroud of secrecy. We know for a fact the FBI required the Baltimore Police Department to sign such an agreement when it obtained stingray technology. This policy of nondisclosure even extends to the courtroom, with the feds actually instructing prosecutors to withdraw evidence if judges or legislators press for information. As the Baltimore Sun reported, a Baltimore detective refused to answer questions about the department’s use of stingray devices on the stand during a trial, citing a federal nondisclosure agreement.

As privacysos.org put it, “The FBI would rather police officers and prosecutors let ‘criminals’ go than face a possible scenario where a defendant brings a Fourth Amendment challenge to warrantless stingray spying.”

Ordinances like the one proposed in St. Louis create a framework of oversight and transparency for surveillance programs. They also set the stage to limit surveillance by giving residents input into the process and allowing them to oppose and stop the purchase of spy-gear.

Impact on Federal Surveillance

Passage of local ordinances not only protects the privacy of people in that area. They also undermine the federal surveillance state. The federal government funds much of the surveillance technology acquired by state and local law enforcement. In return, federal agencies tap into the data swept up by these agencies through information sharing agreements and fusion centers. Information gathered by your local police department often ends up permanently stored in federal databases. These create the backbone of the federal surveillance state.

The feds can share and tap into vast amounts of information gathered at the state and local level through a system known as the “information sharing environment” or ISE. In other words, local data collection using ALPRs, stingrays and other technologies create the potential for the federal government to track the movement of millions of Americans, and obtain and store information on millions of Americans, including phone calls, emails, web browsing history and text messages, all with no warrant, no probable cause, and without the people even knowing it.

According to its website, the ISE “provides analysts, operators, and investigators with information needed to enhance national security. These analysts, operators, and investigators… have mission needs to collaborate and share information with each other and with private sector partners and our foreign allies.” In other words, ISE serves as a conduit for the sharing of information gathered without a warrant.

By facilitating local surveillance, the federal government undoubtedly gains access to a massive data pool on Americans without having to expend the resources to collect the information itself. By requiring approval and placing the acquisition of spy gear in the public spotlight, local governments can take the first step toward limiting the surveillance state at both the local and national level.

In a nutshell, without state and local cooperation, the feds have a much more difficult time gathering information. This represents a major blow to the surveillance state and a win for privacy.

Passage of an ordinance in one locality may not seem significant. But when multiplied over hundreds of cities and counties across the United States, this strategy could seriously undermine federal surveillance programs. If local police can’t collect and share the data, it cannot end up in federal databases.

 


Mike Maharrey
May 22, 2018 at 08:24AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Treating the Constitution Like Silly Putty


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

TAC memberships help us produce more educational tools like this. Members can download this video and read the full transcript here.

The Constitution is a legal document with a fixed meaning. It was not intended to change with the shifting sands of public or judicial opinions.

FOLLOW TAC:

YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/user/TenthAmendmentCenter
RSS: http://feeds.feedburner.com/tacdailydigest
Twitter: http://twitter.com/tenthamendment
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/tenthamendmentcenter
Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tenthamendmentcenter/
Email Newsletter: http://tenthamendmentcenter.com/register
Become a Member: http://tenthamendmentcenter.com/members/


Michael Boldin
May 21, 2018 at 11:51AM

Tenth Amendment Center: To the Governor’s Desk: Louisiana Bills Would Expand Medical Marijuana Program Despite Federal Prohibition


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

BATON ROUGE, La. (May 21, 2018) – Last week, the Louisiana House gave final approval to three bills that would relax restrictions on medical marijuana for qualifying patients. Enactment of this legislation into law would further nullify marijuana prohibition in effect in the Pelican State.

Rep. Rodney Lyons (D-Harvey) introduced House Bill 627 (HB627) with 27 bipartisan co-sponsors to expand access to medical marijuana to individuals suffering from autism who exhibit certain symptoms.

“The anecdotal evidence is wonderful and substantial and gives us all hope,” Katelyn Castleberry, a Louisiana resident with sons who suffer from autism, told WDSU 6 News. “There are children who speak after being on medical cannabis. There are children whose nervous system settle down and their entire system is improved.”

Rep. Ted James (D-Baton Rouge) introduced House Bill 579 (HB579) to expand access to medical marijuana to individuals suffering from glaucoma, severe muscle spasms, intractable pain, Parkinson’s disease or post-traumatic stress disorder. It was approved with slight technical amendments.

“This will help address a growing opioid crisis, prolong like, make life more enjoyable for some people and save some lives,” James said.

Rep. Vincent Pierre (D-Lafayette) introduced House Bill 823 (HB823) to prevent the medical marijuana program from expiring in 2020, which it would do under the law as it is currently written. Amendments to the bill added by the Senate extend the deadline to 2025.

HB627 passed the House by a 71-21 vote on Apr. 5 and then cleared the Senate by a 21-10 vote on May 9. HB579 passed the House on Apr. 12 by a 60-40 vote and then passed the Senate by a 21-13 vote on May 9. HB823 was approved by the House in a 69-26 vote on Apr. 18 and then passed the Senate by a 25-9 vote on May 9. The House approved amendments on the bills and they will now go to Gov. John Bel Edward’s desk for his consideration.

Despite the federal prohibition on marijuana, measures such as HB579, HB627, and HB823 remain perfectly constitutional, and the feds can do little if anything to stop them in practice.

LEGALITY

Under the Controlled Substances Act (CSA) passed in 1970, the federal government maintains complete prohibition of marijuana. Of course, the federal government lacks any constitutional authority to ban or regulate marijuana within the borders of a state, despite the opinion of the politically connected lawyers on the Supreme Court. If you doubt this, ask yourself why it took a constitutional amendment to institute federal alcohol prohibition.

Further legalization of medical marijuana in Louisiana would remove one layer of laws prohibiting the possession and use of marijuana, but federal prohibition will remain on the books.

FBI statistics show that law enforcement makes approximately 99 of 100 marijuana arrests under state, not federal law. By curtailing state prohibition, Louisiana could sweep away some of the basis for 99 percent of marijuana arrests.

Furthermore, figures indicate it would take 40 percent of the DEA’s yearly annual budget just to investigate and raid all of the dispensaries in Los Angeles – a single city in a single state. That doesn’t include the cost of prosecution either. The lesson? The feds lack the resources to enforce marijuana prohibition without state assistance.

A GROWING MOVEMENT

Louisiana legalized medical marijuana in 2016, but the program remains dormant years later. By further relaxing restrictions, Louisiana hopes to join other states that have significantly chipped away at cannabis prohibition.

Colorado, Washington state, Oregon and Alaska were the first states to legalize recreational cannabis, and California, Nevada, Maine and Massachusetts joined them after ballot initiatives in favor of legalization passed in November 2016. In January, Vermont became the first state to legalize marijuana through a legislative act.

With 29 states including New Hampshire allowing cannabis for medical use, the feds find themselves in a position where they simply can’t enforce prohibition anymore.

“The lesson here is pretty straightforward. When enough people say, ‘No!’ to the federal government, and enough states pass laws backing those people up, there’s not much the feds can do to shove their so-called laws, regulations or mandates down our throats,” Tenth Amendment Center founder and executive director Michael Boldin said.

WHAT’S NEXT

Gov. John Bel Edwards will have 20 days from the date the bills are transmitted to his office to sign or veto. If he takes no action, they will become law without his signature. If you live in Louisiana, you can contact Gov. Edwards at (866)366-1121 and urge him to sign all three bills into law.


Shane Trejo
May 21, 2018 at 11:39AM

Tenth Amendment Center: New Hampshire Asset Forfeiture Reporting Law Lacks Important Requirements


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

CONCORD, N.H. (May 21, 2018) – Last week, New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu signed a bill into law requiring the state attorney general to produce an annual report detailing asset forfeitures in the state. The law takes a small step forward, but important provisions requiring reporting of federal asset forfeiture cases were stripped out of the legislation.

Sen. Harold French introduced Senate Bill 498 (SB498) earlier this year. As introduced, the legislation required the attorney general to produce a detailed annual report including specific information about every asset forfeiture case prosecuted in the state. The proposed law specifically required law enforcement agencies to report equitable sharing and the reason for proceeding under federal law in cases passed off to the federal government through an adoption process.

A Senate committee amended out all of the specific reporting requirements. As passed SB498 merely requires the attorney general to report “the type, approximate value, and disposition of the property seized, and the amount of any proceeds received or expended at the state and local levels. The report shall provide a categorized accounting of all proceeds expended.” The new law does not specifically require any reporting of equitable sharing or federal asset forfeiture cases prosecuted in New Hampshire.

French said the law as passed won’t have much practical effect.

“The original bill was changed so much it does virtually nothing except gives me a platform to build on next year,” he said.

Strict reporting requirements often take the first step toward asset forfeiture reform because they allow people to see the scope and impact of current policy. As the saying goes, sunlight is the best antiseptic. Transparency often creates the momentum needed to drive future change. As originally introduced, SB498 would have created that kind of transparency, but as passed, the law will need significant followup and the addition of specific reporting requirements.

Including federal asset forfeiture cases in these requirements will be particularly important, as they can set the stage to close a loophole that allows state and local police to get around more strict state asset forfeiture laws in a vast majority of situations. This is significant in light of a policy directive issued last July by Attorney General Jeff Sessions for the Department of Justice (DOJ).

FEDERAL LOOPHOLE

A federal program known as “Equitable Sharing” allows prosecutors to bypass more stringent state asset forfeiture laws by passing cases off to the federal government through a process known as adoption.The new DOJ directive reiterates full support for the equitable sharing program, directs federal law enforcement agencies to aggressively utilize it, and sets the stage to expand it in the future.

Law enforcement agencies often bypass more strict state forfeiture laws by claiming cases are federal in nature. Under these arrangements, state officials simply hand cases over to a federal agency, participate in the case, and then receive up to 80 percent of the proceeds. However, when states merely withdraw from participation, the federal directive loses its impact.

Until recently, California faced this situation. The state has some of the strongest state-level restrictions on civil asset forfeiture in the country, but state and local police were circumventing the state process by passing cases to the feds. According to a report by the Institute for Justice, Policing for Profit, California ranked as the worst offender of all states in the country between 2000 and 2013. In other words, California law enforcement was passing off a lot of cases to the feds and collecting the loot. The state closed the loophole in 2016.

Virginia could close this loophole in most situations by effectively withdrawing from the federal program. We recommend the following language.

1. A law enforcement agency or prosecuting authority may not enter into an agreement to transfer or refer seized property to a federal agency directly, indirectly, by adoption, through an intergovernmental joint taskforce or by other means for the purposes of forfeiture litigation and instead must refer the seized property to appropriate local or state prosecuting authorities for forfeiture litigation under this chapter unless the seized property includes U.S. currency in excess of $100,000.

2. This paragraph preempts laws by township, municipal, county and other governments in the state which regulate civil and criminal forfeiture.

As the Tenth Amendment Center previously reported the federal government inserted itself into the asset forfeiture debate in California. The feds clearly want the policy to continue.

Why?

We can only guess. But perhaps the feds recognize paying state and local police agencies directly in cash for handling their enforcement would reveal their weakness. After all, the federal government would find it nearly impossible to prosecute its unconstitutional “War on Drugs” without state and local assistance. Asset forfeiture “equitable sharing” provides a pipeline the feds use to incentivize state and local police to serve as de facto arms of the federal government by funneling billions of dollars into their budgets


Mike Maharrey
May 21, 2018 at 11:33AM

Tenth Amendment Center: City of Oakland Passes Ordinance Taking on Surveillance State


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

OAKLAND, Calif. (May 21, 2018) – Last Tuesday, the Oakland City Council gave final approval to a local ordinance that sets the stage to limit the acquisition and use of spy gear by law enforcement and other city agencies.

The new ordinance ensures there will be public notice and debate before the city acquires or uses surveillance technology. Specifically, the new law requires all city entities to seek city council approval before purchasing or using any new surveillance technology or equipment, and before accepting grant funds for such gear. The new law creates a multi-step process. City agencies, including police, must submit a “surveillance use policy” to the Privacy Advisory Commission for consideration. The city council must then adopt the approved policy the technology can be purchased or operated. The ordinance includes specific criteria the city council must consider in order to determine if the benefits of the technology outweigh the costs.

The ordinance requires that current surveillance technology must undergo a similar public review and approval process.

The new law specifically includes provisions that forbid non-disclosure agreements and protect whistleblowers. It also requires an “Annual Surveillance Report” detailing how surveillance approved technologies were used, how data was collected and whom that data was shared with.

ACLU of Northern California leadership development manager Tessa D’Arcangelew called it the strongest such ordinance in the country, saying it gives “Oakland communities the power to understand the technologies that are being proposed in the city and to have a voice in saying if, when and how surveillance is used in the city.”

The Oakland City Council unanimously passed the ordinance Tuesday. It went into immediate effect.

A similar ordinance passed in Santa Clara County in 2016. Berkeley and Davis passed similar measure recently. These ordinances were based on model legislation developed by the ACLU with input from the Tenth Amendment Center. Berkeley is one of multiple cities that introduced measures as part of the #TakeCTRL initiative.

A bill moving through the California legislature would mandate a similar process throughout the state. SB1186 would require a local law enforcement agency to draft a Surveillance Use Policy for each type of surveillance technology it operates and the information collected. It would then have to submit the policy to its governing body for approval at a regularly scheduled hearing, open to the public. If the plan is not adopted, the law enforcement agency would be required to cease using all surveillance technology within 30 days. The proposed law would require law enforcement agencies to amend their use policies for any new surveillance technology they acquire in the future, subject to the same approval requirements. Without approval, the agency could not use the new technology. 

Impact

Local police have access to a mind-boggling array of surveillance equipment. As it now stands, many law enforcement agencies can obtain this high-tech, extremely intrusive technology without any approval or oversight. Police often operate highly intrusive surveillance technology in complete secrecy.

The federal government facilitates local surveillance through grants and other funding sources for this spy-gear, meaning local governments can keep their purchase “off the books.” Members of the community, and even elected officials, often don’t know their police departments possess technology capable of sweeping up electronic data, phone calls and location information.

In some cases, the feds even require law enforcement agencies to sign non-disclosure agreements, wrapping surveillance programs in an even darker shroud of secrecy. We know for a fact the FBI required the Baltimore Police Department to sign such an agreement when it obtained stingray technology. This policy of nondisclosure even extends to the courtroom, with the feds actually instructing prosecutors to withdraw evidence if judges or legislators press for information. As the Baltimore Sun reported, a Baltimore detective refused to answer questions about the department’s use of stingray devices on the stand during a trial, citing a federal nondisclosure agreement.

As privacysos.org put it, “The FBI would rather police officers and prosecutors let ‘criminals’ go than face a possible scenario where a defendant brings a Fourth Amendment challenge to warrantless stingray spying.”

Ordinances like the one approved in Oakland create a framework of oversight and transparency for surveillance programs. They also set the stage to limit surveillance by giving residents input into the process and allowing them to oppose and stop the purchase of spy-gear.

Impact on Federal Surveillance

Passage of local ordinances not only protects the privacy of people in that area. They also undermine the federal surveillance state. The federal government funds much of the surveillance technology acquired by state and local law enforcement. In return, federal agencies tap into the data swept up by these agencies through information sharing agreements and fusion centers. Information gathered by your local police department often ends up permanently stored in federal databases. These create the backbone of the federal surveillance state.

The feds can share and tap into vast amounts of information gathered at the state and local level through a system known as the “information sharing environment” or ISE. In other words, local data collection using ALPRs, stingrays and other technologies create the potential for the federal government to track the movement of millions of Americans, and obtain and store information on millions of Americans, including phone calls, emails, web browsing history and text messages, all with no warrant, no probable cause, and without the people even knowing it.

According to its website, the ISE “provides analysts, operators, and investigators with information needed to enhance national security. These analysts, operators, and investigators… have mission needs to collaborate and share information with each other and with private sector partners and our foreign allies.” In other words, ISE serves as a conduit for the sharing of information gathered without a warrant.

By facilitating local surveillance, the federal government undoubtedly gains access to a massive data pool on Americans without having to expend the resources to collect the information itself. By requiring approval and placing the acquisition of spy gear in the public spotlight, local governments can take the first step toward limiting the surveillance state at both the local and national level.

In a nutshell, without state and local cooperation, the feds have a much more difficult time gathering information. This represents a major blow to the surveillance state and a win for privacy.

Passage of an ordinance in one locality may not seem significant. But when multiplied over hundreds of cities and counties across the United States, this strategy could seriously undermine federal surveillance programs. If local police can’t collect and share the data, it cannot end up in federal databases.


Mike Maharrey
May 21, 2018 at 11:30AM