Tenth Amendment Center: Update: Sued by the government, but not backing down!


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

This article is today’s Tenther newsletter, which everyone in the nullification movement gets daily or weekly. Be one of them – and Become a member here to support the TAC.

When the local government sued TAC communications director Mike Maharrey, they probably figured he’d just back down and shut up about their mass surveillance programs (funded by Washington D.C., of course).

But Mike isn’t one to scare off too easily.  We’ve got a number of updates below.

Here’s the back story.  On Oct. 9th, we emailed to let you know what was going on. Mike even recorded a short podcast with the details (you can listen here). Here’s an overview:

  • Mike filed an open-records request to find out what’s going on with surveillance in his city – stingrays, cameras, license plate readers, and the like.
  • The city released some (with a lot of redactions), but held back a lot.
  • Mike appealed.
  • The state Attorney General sided with Mike and told the city to give him the docs.
  • The city sued Mike over this, asking a court to overturn the AG – and demanding that Mike pay all the legal fees.

For most grassroots activists, this would be a devastating blow – and we realize that governments sue on purpose to deter any resistance to their illegal actions.

Mike isn’t backing down.  

Instead, he’s got some heavy-duty legal representation from the ACLU of Kentucky.  Plus, joint press releases from our organizations have gotten Mike a number of spots on local radio and TV.  The story even made the front page of the local paper.

Here are some important updates:

Once this case gets thrown out, which we believe it will, we expect Mike to start pushing back harder with information he’s found in the documents he already has. From what he’s told me, it’s pretty serious stuff.  What they’re holding back is potentially even worse.

Stay tuned!

Thank you for reading, listening – and your support!

Concordia res parvae crescunt
(small things grow great by concord)

-Michael Boldin, TAC
213.935.0553


Michael Boldin
October 31, 2017 at 12:38PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Fake Constitutionalists Don’t Have the Manpower to Crack Down on Marijuana States


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

During a recent radio interview with Attorney General Jeff Sessions, conservative talk show host Hugh Hewitt blasted the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, calling it “as unconstitutional as any agency I’ve ever seen.” Sessions enthusiastically agreed.

During that same conversation, Hewitt urged Sessions to crack down on states with legal marijuana. Sessions opined about the federal government’s authority to do just that.

Sorry hypocrites. You don’t have the manpower.

In the first place, these people don’t care anything about constitutionality when it gets in the way of their policy preferences.

Hewitt implored Sessions to use RICO statutes to go after marijuana businesses in states where it’s legal.

“A lot of states are just simply breaking the law. And a lot of money is being made and banked. One RICO prosecution of one producer and the banks that service them would shut this all down. Is such a prosecution going to happen?”

Sessions was lukewarm on the RICO idea, but enthusiastically defended the federal government’s authority to stick it to people in states with legal cannabis.

“I do not believe there’s any argument, because a state legalized marijuana that the federal law against marijuana is no longer in existence. I do believe that the federal laws clearly are in effect in all 50 states. And we will do our best to enforce the laws as we’re required to do so.”

In fact, the feds have no constitutional authority to prohibit marijuana, especially within the borders of a state. If you doubt this assertion, ask yourself why it took a constitutional amendment for the prohibition of alcohol.

Hewitt trotted out a favorite progressive constitutional argument – the supremacy clause – apparently forgetting that the supremacy clause only applies to laws made “in pursuance” of the Constitution.

“But one prosecution that invokes a supremacy clause against one large dope manufacturing concern, and follows the money as it normally would in any drug operation and seizes it, would shut, would chill all of this.”

Sessions said he couldn’t comment on investigations, and Hewitt admitted he was “lobbying” for a crackdown on the more than two-dozen states that have legalized marijuana.

“Conservatives” like Hewitt and Sessions are fakes and frauds. They talk about limited government and hold up the Constitution as the standard. But when it stands in the way of their desired policy outcomes, it quickly gets shoved in a back pocket and ignored. When the expansion of federal power will achieve their goals, “limited government” rhetoric turns into appeals to the “supremacy clause.”

Marijuana should have always remained a state issue. The federal government has no authority to regulate a plant within the borders of a state. But Sessions clearly wants to continue the federal government’s foolish, unconstitutional war on a plant.

Unfortunately for Sessions, Hewitt and their posse of federal drug warriors, the feds don’t have the personnel or resources to “enforce the laws.”  FBI statistics show that law enforcement makes approximately 99 of 100 marijuana arrests under state, not federal law. When states legalize cannabis and stop enforcing the law, it ends 99 percent of the enforcement. The 1 percent that remains can certainly cause trouble for people, but there is no way the feds can actually enforce federal law – not in a single state, much less across more than half the country.

The feds have tried. Clinton tried. Bush tried. Obama tried. I’m sure Trump and his pet dinosaur Sessions will try. But they will ultimately fail. They can talk about federal laws “clearly being in effect in all 50 states” all they want. Making that a practical reality is a different ball of wax. Without the manpower, it’s all just talk.


Mike Maharrey
October 31, 2017 at 09:16AM

Tenth Amendment Center: The Ninth and Tenth Amendment: Partners in Federalism for Liberty


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

American Federalism evolved out of lessons learned through the 18th century as a structure to protect and preserve liberty. But today, bureaucratic socialism controls our governing approach, and calls for a restoration of constitutional federalism are portrayed as ever more radical. Nevertheless, as one of the cornerstones of American federalism, the Tenth Amendment still offers a solution to the problem of overreaching government.

The destruction of America’s limited constitutional system happened slowly over time, but it began almost from the beginning. Early in our history, the negative the American Constitution put on government power was butted by the positive powers of governing centralization and factional divide. Supreme law stood only as long as factional warfare was checked and people demanded their self-governing right to liberty and personal responsibility for securing freedom of choice. John C. Calhoun matured during a time of early fracturing of the constitutional balance of powers through compromise. He witnessed flaws being exploited, meanings twisted, and factional divisions expanding.

Though misinterpreted and misunderstood by many, Calhoun’s views of negative governing through compromise as opposed to positive governing through force still helps shine a light on one enduring, maligned amendment rising to necessary prominence today. The Tenth Amendment represents a final check on ever-increasing governing force from centralizing agencies through the authority of the Bill of Rights and proper constitutional order.

During the founding era, federalism was a mere utopian approach to governing made known and popular by the leading philosophers of the Enlightenment era. Monarchy, oligarchy, theocracy, and their ensuing positive force dominated during a time colonial independence took root. Providing fertile soil for potentially solving federalism’s known flaw, colonies matured into states organized under agreed-upon constitutions.

Those governing the states were people who naturally formed both majority and minority interests. “The framers of the Constitution of the United States were fully aware that a government supported by democratic majorities could be as tyrannous and as arbitrary as any absolute monarch or dictator; and the awareness of this danger by the people of the United States is reflected in the insistence upon the addition of a Bill of Rights to the Constitution.” (C. Gordon Post, 1953, Calhoun)

A unifying constitution delegating certain responsibilities to general government originally left the inherent flaw in federalism unsolved. It still did not achieve the goal of protecting minorities from the power of majority government. This flaw remained at risk of being left unresolved as the United States went through her birthing process. It was only through a combination of ratifying conventions and anti-federalist efforts that a solution was forged during the ratification debates with consistent demands for a Bill of Rights.

These rights were specifically inclusive of a sphere of separation between the few federal tasks monitored by the states and the infinite localized governing needs within each state by, for, and of the people. These are the very roots of what became the Ninth Amendment; still in force today should any choose to use its protection. Combined with the Tenth Amendment, individual rights were believed to be more protected than by any other governing approach previously conceived in the science of government.

The people only allowed their states to delegate few powers to the new federal government, retaining all rights and powers not delegated, including the responsibility to protect minorities as small in number as one individual. People were responsible for their liberty, with states responsible to negatively protect their right to freedom in their daily pursuits. The federal government was to protect and unify the states in their republican efforts in securing our mutual, general welfare.

The Tenth Amendment offers the solution for federalism’s previous inability to properly check positive force with negative force through compromising agreements. It is the fundamental enhancement which clearly distinguishes American Federalism from any previous attempt by individuals to exercise self-government, distributing power and responsibility without allowing the centralizing pull of democracy or factional oppression of minority interest that plagued past federalist efforts. America’s beginning seemed to be better. It provided a means for long-term success, even as the population and geographic distance expanded.

Calhoun’s believed rights evolve through social contract rather than nature. This allows his detractors to spin his views, discouraging in-depth research, debate, and understanding. Nevertheless, the American system was founded on a foundation steeped in natural rights.

“…the rights of man have their basis rather in the nature of man, in human need, in the hopes and dreams and capabilities of the individual. And as men differ from one another, so must conditions exist which allow for difference. The recognition of diversity among men is implicit in the Bill of Rights.” (Post, 1953)

Despite his divergent view of rights, Calhoun still has valuable lessons to teach when it comes to the science of government generally, and American Federalism specifically, through the eyes of a statesman from the 1840s, specifically his understanding that the Ninth and Tenth Amendments which offer a solution for our current centralizing oppression.

American Federalism is built on a great maxim of the Enlightenment era. The people (individuals) are the source of all power, as emphasized in the ratification of the Ninth Amendment. Ratification of the Tenth Amendment embedded the solution for protecting minorities, checking factional mischief, and ensuring a balance between governments is maintained. All this directly links to the fact if power is not separated to control government it will grow to control us.

It secures our individual rights and state responsibility to interpose when negative compromise is subjugated by positive force from the federal government beyond its responsibility. Powers were not given or conferred to any federal body, they were delegated. These delegated powers were to be entrusted to representatives under oath or affirmation but were always the people’s power, never the federal governments in absolution. Today rulers and regulators are creating nearly all laws and government with no check or balance.

Through the responsibility of interposition and nullification minority protection was thought to be secured; a historic flaw brought into check, and a ‘more perfect union’ formed. Ignoring the Tenth Amendment and slandering the insights of Calhoun do not alter a root principle for success in complex federal republicanism. Tenth Amendment rights still stand. States are still are responsible, and the federal government should never be using force over either.

Without a modern embrace of the importance of the Tenth Amendment, we will continue our spiral into bureaucratic socialism under an absolute force of democratic majority rule and factional warfare. This centralized bureaucracy in D.C. (or another global capital as even nationalism is being crushed today) will not check itself, human nature does not allow it once inflicted with factional control. Human nature’s lust for power and greed for money take command.

We are not a single, perpetual nation, nor should we support globalization. Individual self-governing is our right as citizens, exercising it through constitutional compromise, negative checks and balances, and a complex system known as American Federalism. Working within this framework we can better understand factional pulls, tyranny, and the path back to being a “more perfect union.” Continue to forget our role as the main check on all government authority and we do so with our future plainly in sight, free-range citizenship under democratic socialism.

Can we fight off our public inculcation state’s rights are bad and Calhoun nothing more than a radical best forgotten? If we can the efforts of modern day ‘Tenthers’ will be the reason. Let us pray today’s efforts expand before bureaucratic socialism crushes our promise to protect our future generation’s liberty and natural rights.


gary wood
October 30, 2017 at 11:26AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Can the Feds Prosecute Foreigners if Their Actions Are Legal Where They Are?


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

In most countries, government has begrudgingly granted snippets of personal liberty to keep those who are demanding it at bay. Throughout history, kings and other tyrants have, from time to time, given in to pressures from folks to recognize their natural rights. These instances of “power granting liberty,” as the practice has come to be known, usually have come about to avoid further bloodshed.

In the United States and in Switzerland, however, the opposite took place. In both countries, sovereign states came together to establish a central government peacefully. This model is known as “liberty granting power.” Indeed, the Swiss Constitution is modeled on our own, whereby free and independent states delegated some of their sovereignty to a new, limited central government.

Today, however, the two countries are embroiled in a below-the-radar dispute over whether U.S. federal courts can try Swiss nationals who have diligently followed Swiss law and who have never been in the U.S.

Here is the back story.

When Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, he included a section he would later refer to as the indictment of British King George III. It characterized the “long train of abuses and usurpations” designed by the king to “harass our people, and eat out their substance.” This was harsh language, even by today’s standards.

One of those abuses and usurpations was “for transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offenses.” He was referring to the British practice of charging colonists — who had never been to Great Britain — in London for behavior that was lawful in the Colonies but somehow allegedly ran afoul of English law.

The typical charge was speaking out and inducing others to oppose the king and Parliament or refusing to pay their unlawful taxes. These so-called crimes were often generally characterized as treason against the Crown.

This British practice of dragging American colonists before British judges and British juries was so offensive to the colonists that the Framers sought to prevent it from happening here by crafting two prophylactic clauses in the Constitution itself. One clause defined treason as only levying war against the United States or giving aid and comfort to our enemies. The other clause required that people be tried in the state where such crimes were alleged to have been committed.

The Constitution recognizes that American people and property can be harmed by foreigners in foreign countries, and the common law at the time required that if there was no harm, there was no crime.

These first principles — crime is harm and people should be tried in the place where they are accused of committing a crime — have been bedrocks of Anglo-American jurisprudence for hundreds of years.

The reason for trying a criminal case in the place where the action took place is to comply with the constitutional requirements of due process. The form of due process requires the pre-existence of the statute allegedly violated, notice of the violation, a trial before a neutral judge and jurors, and the right to appeal the trial’s outcome, but the essence of due process is fairness.

Fairness at trial means that the defendant has the constitutionally required tools available to him, not the least of which are witnesses and tangible things to aid in his defense. The Framers knew this would be nearly impossible to achieve in a foreign land before a foreign court.

This understanding subsisted until the Reagan administration, when the government began seizing foreigners abroad and bringing them to the U.S. for trial. Though these seizures were repellent, the crimes — violence against individuals or large-scale distribution of dangerous drugs — were crimes everywhere, and the harm caused by them was palpable.

Until now.

Now Swiss bankers who have followed and respected Swiss banking laws — which honor the privacy of customers, no matter who they are — and who have never caused harm to American people or property are on trial in the U.S.

The charges? Violating U.S. banking laws by failing to report suspicious transactions to U.S. banking regulators. And for those “pretended offenses,” these bankers have been transported “beyond Seas” for trial.

The Department of Justice is unable to point to any harm caused by these so-called offenses, but federal judges, just as they did in the Reagan era, are accepting the DOJ argument of universal jurisdiction — that somehow American federal courts can try anyone, no matter where a person is said to have committed a crime, as long as the defendant is physically in the courtroom.

But this violates the Declaration of Independence and Constitution’s first principles, and it subjects American bankers and government officials to the same pretended universal jurisdiction of foreign courts. Indeed, a court in Spain has indicted former President George W. Bush and former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld for alleged war crimes committed in Afghanistan.

Why should Bush and Rumsfeld answer to Spain for events that allegedly occurred in Afghanistan? Why should Swiss bankers answer to the U.S. when they didn’t violate Swiss law?

This is all about power and the fiction of universal jurisdiction — a fiction the Framers thought they had buried. It needs to be buried again.


Judge Andrew Napolitano
October 30, 2017 at 11:18AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Michigan Bills Would Make It More Difficult To Enact Mandatory Vaccinations


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

LANSING, Mich. (Oct. 30, 2017) – Two Michigan House bills would add impediments making it more difficult for state-level officials to enact coercive vaccination mandates, and would set the stage to nullifying in practice federal programs designed to facilitate vaccinations.

House Bill 5162 (HB5162) was introduced by Rep. Steven Johnson (R-Wayland) and House Bill 5163 (HB5163) was introduced by Rep. John Reilly (R-Oakland). The legislation would remove power from unelected bureaucrats to impose more stringent rules regarding vaccinations. Under these bills, the state legislature would have sole discretion to setting these rules.

“As chair of the Joint Committee on Administrative Rules, I often see state departments proposing rules that attempt to go beyond the scope of what the legislature originally intended,” Johnson said in a press release. “This is not simply because we have an out-of-control bureaucracy, but also because the legislature has given this power to the departments in the first place. These bills would ensure people would be able to hold their elected officials accountable for changes to vaccine practices instead of unelected bureaucrats.”

HB5162 would ban the state department of health and human services from changing any rules regarding:

(a) Age periods for immunizations.
(b) The minimum ages at which immunization may be commenced.
(c) The minimum number of doses required during a specified time period.

HB5163 would reassign additional rule-making power to the state department of health and human services from the director of community health. With the state legislature exerting control over the department of health and human services, the lawmakers hope that these complementary bills will be enough to prevent any regulatory overreach regarding vaccines from occurring.

“It should require the highest evidentiary standard and an undeniably compelling public interest for any medicine to be forced upon the public by law,” Reilly said. “Such an extraordinary decision should be made by the people’s elected representatives, not unaccountable bureaucrats.”

FEDERAL THREAT

With the Centers for Disease Control openly colluding with pharmaceutical companies to push vaccines throughout the country, parental choice has come under attack like never before. California has already instituted new rules that tear away at parents’ rights to make decisions for their children’s medical needs, and proponents want to extend similar policies across the country.

With many health concerns related to these vaccines – including the presence of the mercury-containing preservative, Thimerosal – it has become a necessity for states to take action to preserve medical freedom for parents.

These Michigan bills would put the state in a position to push back against any future federal rules relating to vaccinations. It would prevent bureaucratic agencies from simply adopting federal mandates and give the legislature veto power. Theoretically, the legislature could vote to simply ignore federal rules and regulations, nullifying them in effect.

As it stands, bureaucratic agencies can often work behind the scenes to adopt federal policy without any public or legislative input at all. The departments act, in practice, like a part of the federal government. These bills would would put the decision making power in the hands of elected legislators.

The feds have aggressively advanced narratives regarding immunizations and their safety. The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) downplays concerns regarding the use of thimerosal, a preservative containing mercury. They even admit on their own website that mercury is still being used to preserve certain vaccines:

Thimerosal, which is approximately 50% mercury by weight, has been one of the most widely used preservatives in vaccines… While the use of mercury-containing preservatives has declined in recent years with the development of new products formulated with alternative or no preservatives, thimerosal has been used in some immune globulin preparations, anti-venins, skin test antigens, and ophthalmic and nasal products, in addition to certain vaccines.

As the FDA downplays the concerns related to thimerosal and mercury in vaccines, whistle-blowers are singing a different tune. The National Vaccine Information Center, a non-profit watchdog organization, reports that the threat is still alarming – especially pertaining to infants:

Most infants are still routinely given Thimerosal-containing influenza vaccine even though there are Thimerosal-free and vaccines with trace amounts of Thimerosal. Infants receiving a Thimerosal-containing influenza vaccine are dosed at 6 months with 12.5 mcg of ethyl mercury and at 7 months with an additional 12.5 mcg. Adult Thimerosal-containing vaccines contain roughly 25mcg.

The CDC aids the FDA in promulgating their point of view. Although the CDC attempts to maintain a veneer of independence and credibility, there are facts showing that narrative to be false. The CDC Foundation boasts that it helps the CDC “do more, faster.” It is able to do this because the CDC Foundation receives annual funding from a host of corporations including Pharmaceutical giants Merck, Roche, and Emergent BioSolutions Inc.

In turn for the contributions, the CDC gives recommendations that fall in line with the agenda of those who fund them. For instance, the help section of their website minimizes the impact of mercury in vaccines. It implores people that thimerosal is proper for injection because it contains the safe kind of mercury. The CDC claims the following:

Mercury is a naturally occurring element found in the earth’s crust, air, soil, and water. Two types of mercury to which people may be exposed — methylmercury and ethylmercury — are very different.

Methylmercury is the type of mercury found in certain kinds of fish. At high exposure levels methylmercury can be toxic to people. In the United States, federal guidelines keep as much methylmercury as possible out of the environment and food, but over a lifetime, everyone is exposed to some methylmercury.

Thimerosal contains ethylmercury, which is cleared from the human body more quickly than methylmercury, and is therefore less likely to cause any harm.

If accepted by enough Americans, this “good mercury” talking point that is driven by CDC and their Big Pharma foundation donors could easily lead to mandatory vaccinations being adopted.

HB5162 and HB5163 are good first steps toward making sure that parents, rather than bureaucrats and lobbyists, have the final say in what goes into their children’s bodies.

NEXT UP

HB5162 and HB5163 will need to pass the House Oversight Committee before they can proceed and receive a full House vote.


Shane Trejo
October 30, 2017 at 09:32AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Gun Rights Supporters Can Learn a Lesson from Marijuana Activists


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

Gun people talk tough.

“You can have my gun when they pry it from my cold, dead hand.”

But all the bluster disappears when talk turns to the Supreme Court and the possibility of an opinion that undermines the Second Amendment. Last year’s prospect of a Hillary Clinton Supreme Court nominee turned millions of gun rights advocates into quivering bowls of Jello.

Granted, Hillary made some comments in the presidential debate that reveals she’s no friend of the individual right to keep an bear arms. (But we knew that, right?) Her comments regarding the Heller decision sent the gun people into abject panic. Social media lit up with pro-Second Amendment types imploring everyone they have to vote for Trump to keep Hillary from “shredding” the Second Amendment (Never mind that Trump has a squishy history on the Second himself.) One Facebook poster glumly predicted that Hillary would “take all of our guns” if elected president and allowed to appoint a justice or two to the Supreme Court.

A Wall Street Journal op-ed channeled the hysteria in more measured tones.

If the Justices she appoints agree with her, then they can gradually turn Heller into a shell of a right, restriction by restriction, even without overturning the precedent.”

Basically, the message I got from pro-gun people last year goes something like this: “OMG! It’s all over for our right to own firearms if Hillary wins the election. Vote Trump to save our guns!”

How in the world did we get from “they’ll have to pry it from my cold dead hands,” to complete panic because some politically connected lawyers wearing black dresses in Washington D.C. might issue an opinion? Why do the gun people place so much stock and faith in politicians and legal pronouncements to “protect” their natural right to defend themselves? They act like the government gave them the right, so therefore the government can take it away by mere pronouncement.

It’s time for the gun people to grow a spine like the weed people, and simply nullify these attempts by the political class in Washington D.C. to limit their right to keep and bear arms.

Yes. The potheads have more guts, courage and political acumen than the gun people.

I’ve never heard a cannabis activist say, “Well, the Supreme Court ruled the feds can prohibit marijuana. Guess I’ll give up my weed.”

No. First, the weed people just ignored the government and used marijuana anyway. They simply refused to comply. Then they brushed off their hands and got busy at the state and local level.

Marijuana activists started in California where there was a great deal of popular support and passed Prop 215 in 1996. When the feds cracked down, they didn’t give up. When the Supreme Court ruled against them, they didn’t panic. When the DEA closed down one medical marijuana dispensary, they opened two more. They just kept pushing on.

Today, more than half the states in the country have legalized marijuana for medical use. Four states have legalized it completely. In November, marijuana legalization will appear on the ballot in some form in nine states, some of those traditional conservative strongholds like Arkansas and Arizona.

State, local and individual action has effectively nullified federal marijuana prohibition in half the country. Heck, they’ve even nullified it in the federal city of Washington D.C. Congress can pass all the laws it wants. Presidents can sign executive orders to their heart’s content. The Supreme Court can issue its opinions. But without state and local cooperation, the federal government can’t enforce a damn thing.

The ATF employs about 2,400 special agents. Do you really think that small group of people can impose federal gun laws on more than 300 million reluctant people encompassing 3,794,083 square miles without state and local cooperation? They couldn’t enforce the marijuana laws once people and states simply started ignoring them. They won’t be able to enforce the gun laws either.

The gun people need learn a thing or two from the weed people. Stop obsessing over federal action and Supreme Court rulings. Stop the Supreme Court panic. Stop acting like any one election will forever end your gun rights.

Stop.

Just stop.

Pull your pants up, square your shoulders, get busy and nullify the unlawful federal actions that infringe on your natural right to keep and bear arms.

The weed people did it. Surely you can too. Heck, it’s a lot lest drastic than the whole “out of my cold, dead hands” thing.


Mike Maharrey
October 28, 2017 at 12:19PM

National Anthem Rights & Benefits


Did you know there is a law about the National Anthem?  Healthcare is not a right and today we will prove it.  Lots more on today’s KrisAnne Hall Show. Listen to this edition of the KrisAnne Hall Show on YouTube

The post National Anthem Rights & Benefits appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com October 28, 2017 at 08:10AM

Tenth Amendment Center: James Madison: Nullification is a Natural Right


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

The following post is excerpted from the script for Nullify: Season 1. Watch all the videos from this series at this link – and Become a member here to support the TAC.

In his famous 1830s “Notes on Nullification,” James Madison railed against a specific nullification proposal from South Carolina claiming the power of a single state to legally overturn any congressional act. Drafted by John C. Calhoun, the proposal also claimed that the federal government would immediately have to obey a single state declaring a federal act unconstitutional, and could only stop this process by getting 3/4 of the states to overturn the action of the nullifying state.

Mainstream conservative and liberal “experts” take this out of context, and intentionally misconstrue Madison’s opposition to what he called “the doctrine of South Carolina.”

At the same time, they conveniently forget to mention Madison’s other statement in support of nullification in that same document.

He wrote, “the right of nullification meant by Mr. Jefferson is the natural right, which all admit to be a remedy against insupportable oppression.”

Further proving that Madison was rejecting the specific doctrine of South Carolina and not nullification in general, he added, “It cannot be supposed for a moment that Mr. Jefferson would not revolt at the doctrine of South Carolina.”

On the other hand, the phrase “all admit” couldn’t be more clear.  James Madison indeed considered nullification a remedy against “insupportable oppression”


Michael Boldin
October 27, 2017 at 11:24AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Patrick Henry on Making America “Great”


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

TAC memberships help us produce more educational tools like this. Members can download this video and read the full transcript here.

“When the American spirit was in its youth, the language of America was different; liberty, sir, was then the primary object.”
-Patrick Henry (1788)

FOLLOW TAC:

YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/user/TenthAmendmentCenter
RSS: http://feeds.feedburner.com/tacdailydigest
Twitter: http://twitter.com/tenthamendment
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/tenthamendmentcenter
Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tenthamendmentcenter/
Email Newsletter: http://tenthamendmentcenter.com/register
Become a Member: http://tenthamendmentcenter.com/members/


Michael Boldin
October 27, 2017 at 11:15AM

Rights vs. Benefits


Rights vs. Benefits – By KrisAnne Hall, JD Some Americans seem to be confused about the difference between Rights and Benefits.  Influenced in part by manipulative politicians and pundits, this confusion has clouded the minds of the unsuspecting.  Here is a typical example of this confusion on Twitter:   How many people have you heard proclaim […]

The post Rights vs. Benefits appeared first on KrisAnne Hall.



Read the full article at krisannehall.com October 26, 2017 at 10:38PM

Tenth Amendment Center: The Original Fourth Amendment and Unreasonable Searches and Seizures


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

Recently, Laura Donahue, a professor at Georgetown Law and an expert on digital privacy, came to the Originalism Center at the University of San Diego to talk about her recent article, “The Original Fourth Amendment.”  The article is a long one, nearly 150 pages long in a law journal, and it covers the development of search and seizure law through English, Colonial and American history.

One of the messages that comes across is the familiar one that the Americans were Whigs, who took one strand of English thought that was protective of liberty, and wrote it into the Constitution.  (Another area where some have argued this was true was the First Amendment.)

One interesting question is the meaning of the famous language in the Amendment prohibiting “unreasonable searches and seizures.”  Many people who reject originalism or embrace a nonconstraining originalism argue that this language is inherently vague or a delegation to the future.  In essence, their argument is that unreasonable could mean a variety of things and therefore judges should decide and give it content based on their view of what would be beneficial.

But Donahue disputes this argument.  She argues that “unreasonable” means “against the reason of the common law.”  In other words, the Fourth Amendment incorporates the principles of the common law and therefore those principles should be followed.  Unreasonable does not involve vague language or a delegation to judges.  It has a specific meaning that follows the common law in this area.

Donahue presents some significant evidence for her conclusion.  It is significant to note, however, that Donahue’s argument only works if one accepts the view that the Constitution is written in the language of the law — that is, that the Constitution uses terms that have legal meanings.  If the Constitution is written in ordinary language, then  unfamiliar legal terms could not be found in the document.

Donahue’s interpretation employs legal language in two ways.  First, in ordinary language, the term “unreasonable” would not normally be understood as referring to the reason of the common law.  Donahue cites to Johnson’s dictionary, who does not refer to the reason of the common law.  It is only legal works as well as a legal dictionary that make that reference.

Second, an ordinary language reader would not understand the meaning of the term “unreasonable” even if they knew it referred to “against the reason of the common law.”   To understand what that term meant, one would have to be familiar with the common law.

I should hasten to add that I do not regard this feature of Donahue’s argument as a defect.  As I have noted before, John McGinnis and I have argued that the Constitution is written in the language of the law and therefore its terms must be understood to include legal terms.  I believe that Donahue’s argument is a good example of how we can best understand the Constitution by reference to legal language.


Michael Rappaport
October 26, 2017 at 11:59AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Radio Interview: Should Police Be Able to Hide Information About Surveillance?


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

A press release about the lawsuit filed against me by the city of Lexington, Ky., relating to an open records request I filed seeking information on surveillance generated a ton of local media coverage, including an appearance on Kruser and Krew, the afternoon-drive show on WVLK AM.

Kruser and I talked about the city’s efforts to hide information about its surveillance cameras. I started off the interview with a bang.

“You know what’s really ironic about this? I’m trying to get information about surveillance whenever you do that, people will give you the, ‘Well if you don’t have anything to hide, you don’t have anything to fear.’ And yet, I’ve got stacks of redacted documents and a lawsuit, and I’m wondering what Lexington’s got to hide and what they’ve got to fear.”

Kruser tried to push me a bit, arguing that maybe the police were justified in hiding some information about their surveillance programs. I think I pretty much obliterated that argument.


Mike Maharrey
October 26, 2017 at 11:11AM

Tenth Amendment Center: TV Interview: Taking on Big Brother at the Local Level


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

If you’ve been following our Activism 101 Podcast, you know that I’ve been involved in local activism taking on the surveillance state in my hometown of Lexington, Ky. Well, my efforts have gotten me sued!

The good thing about getting sued is it creates a lot of media buzz – including spots on the local news.

My interview with the local CBS affiliate was particularly good. It gives a good overview of the surveillance issue in Lexington. The reporter hit all the major points, and my sound bites came out solid. The only negative was my TAC pin was crooked.

WATCH IT:

Local action is a powerful way to address the federal surveillance state. We need more people pushing their cities and counties like this!


Mike Maharrey
October 26, 2017 at 10:51AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Alabama Bill Would Help Encourage Use of Gold and Silver as Money


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

MONTGOMERY, Ala. (Oct. 25, 2017) – A bill prefiled in the Alabama House for the 2018 session would exempt the purchase of gold and silver bullion from state sales and use tax, encouraging its use and taking the first step toward breaking the Federal Reserve’s monopoly on money.

Rep. Ronald Johnson (R-Sylacauga) prefiled House Bill 19 (HB19). The legislation would exempt the gross proceeds from the sale of gold, silver, platinum, and palladium bullion and coins from sales and use tax in the state.

Imagine if you asked a grocery clerk to break a $5 bill and he charged you a 35 cent tax. Silly, right? After all, you were only exchanging one form of money for another. But that’s essentially what Alabama’s sales tax on gold and silver bullion does. By removing the sales tax on the exchange of gold and silver, Alabama would treat specie as money instead of a commodity. This represents a small step toward reestablishing gold and silver as legal tender and breaking down the Fed’s monopoly on money.

Practically speaking, eliminating taxes on the sale of gold and silver would crack open the door for people to begin using specie in regular business transactions.This would mark an important small step toward currency competition. If sound money gains a foothold in the marketplace against Federal Reserve notes, the people would be able to choose the time-tested stability of gold and silver over the central bank’s rapidly-depreciating paper currency.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

The United States Constitution states in Article I, Section 10, “No State shall…make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts.” States have simply ignored this constitutional provision for years. It’s impossible for states to return to a constitutional sound money system when it taxes gold and silver as a commodity.

This Alabama bill takes a step towards that constitutional requirement, ignored for decades in every state. Such a tactic would set the stage to undermine the monopoly of the Federal Reserve by introducing competition into the monetary system.

Constitutional tender expert Professor William Greene said when people in multiple states actually start using gold and silver instead of Federal Reserve Notes, it would effectively nullify the Federal Reserve and end the federal government’s monopoly on money.

“Over time, as residents of the state use both Federal Reserve notes and silver and gold coins, the fact that the coins hold their value more than Federal Reserve notes do will lead to a “reverse Gresham’s Law” effect, where good money (gold and silver coins) will drive out bad money (Federal Reserve notes). As this happens, a cascade of events can begin to occur, including the flow of real wealth toward the state’s treasury, an influx of banking business from outside of the state – as people in other states carry out their desire to bank with sound money – and an eventual outcry against the use of Federal Reserve notes for any transactions.”

Once things get to that point, Federal Reserve notes would become largely unwanted and irrelevant for ordinary people. Nullifying the Fed on a state by state level is what will get us there.

NEXT

HB19 will be formally introduced on Jan. 9, 2018, and assigned to the House Committee on Ways and Means – Education. It will need to pass committee by a majority vote before moving on to the full House.


Mike Maharrey
October 25, 2017 at 01:37PM

Tenth Amendment Center: Patrick Henry on Making America “Great”


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center
Patrick Henry didn’t want to make America “great.”
Michael Boldin
October 25, 2017 at 12:26PM

Tenth Amendment Center: John Dickinson Comes into Prominence


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

This is the first of a five-part series on Founding Father John Dickinson, who published his highly influential “Farmer Letters” exactly 250 years ago. The series was first published by the Washington Post’s blog, The Volokh Conspiracy.

This year marks the 250th anniversary of one of the most influential series of writings in American history. The series was John Dickinson’s Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania. The “letters” were twelve newspaper essays, the first of which was published in November, 1767.

In accordance with the contemporaneous understanding of freedom of the press, Dickinson chose to remain anonymous: He signed the letters “A Farmer.” The letters argued that Parliament’s Townshend duties were improper and unconstitutional, and explained how Americans should resist them.

The Farmer took America by storm. The essays were widely reprinted individually, and they were collected as a book. There were editions in Britain and Europe. When Dickinson’s true identity emerged, he became the second most famous American in the world, after Benjamin Franklin.

This is the first of five postings on the life and thought of John Dickinson. In addition to examining The Farmer and other writings, these postings summarize how the author’s views affected the drafting and ratification of the U.S. Constitution.

John Dickinson was born in Maryland on November 8, 1732 to Samuel and Mary Cadwalader Dickinson. His father was a prosperous planter of tobacco, and later of wheat. In 1740 the family moved to Delaware, occupying a home near Dover. His parents valued learning and provided John and his few surviving siblings with an excellent classical education.

By 1750, John decided he wanted to be a lawyer, and that year he began clerking with the leading attorney in Philadelphia. In 1754, his parents sent him to London’s Middle Temple, where he studied for another three years. His correspondence with his parents from England still survives, displaying mature commentary on daily life and English political developments.

Thus, Dickinson received many advantages. But in London he encountered a severe obstacle: poor health. Even as a young man, he seems to be been subject to infection, and this remained true throughout his life. After age 40, he also suffered from gout.

In 1757, he was admitted to the bar at the Middle Temple and returned to America. Success in his Philadelphia law practice was rapid. Besides being bright and diligent, he seems to have had a magnetic presence. He was the kind of man people wanted to be around and wanted to entrust with their affairs.

Much of his Dickinson’s practice centered on private rather than public law: decedents’ estates, land claims, and most likely trusts. As was true of other founders, the rules prevailing in private law—particularly the rules binding fiduciaries—influenced Dickinson’s attitudes toward public law.

In those days Pennsylvania and Delaware were tied in harness (they had a common governor), so a young man of promise could aspire to a political career in both states. Before John was 27, he won a seat in the Delaware colonial assembly. He was re-elected the following year, and thereupon his colleagues in the assembly elected him Speaker. In 1762, he won a special election to fill a vacancy in the Pennsylvania house of assembly. He was re-elected in 1763 and 1764.

While serving in the Pennsylvania assembly he faced a political crisis. Dickinson had frequently been critical of the colony’s propriety charter with the Penn family. However, when Joseph Galloway and Benjamin Franklin—two of the colony’s most powerful figures—proposed to petition the king to convert it into a royal charter, Dickinson was skeptical. A royal charter, he believed, would leave Pennsylvania unprotected if the British government ever became oppressive.

On May 24, 1764 Dickinson rose in the assembly to deliver an elaborate speech in opposition to the petition. A written version of this oration survives. It was extraordinary for its careful balancing of the risks and rewards attributable to alternative courses of conduct. It was extraordinary also for use of what Dickinson’s beloved Roman authors called sententiae—sound bites. Among them:

*          “Power is like the ocean; not easily admitting limits to be fixed in it.”

*          “It will be much easier for me to bear the unmerited reflections of a mistaken zeal, than the just reproaches of a guilty mind.”

*          “A good man ought to serve his country, even tho’ she resents his services.”

The speech identified the charter change as a constitutional alteration requiring special procedures to adopt. Dickinson maintained that a legislature elected under one constitution has no power to create another one. A new constitution required the “almost universal consent of the people.”

Although Dickinson overwhelmingly lost the Assembly vote, he was soon vindicated. The passage of the Stamp Act the following year demonstrated the correctness of his prediction that the British government might prove more oppressive than the Penn family. The charter change request died quietly.

In 1765, Pennsylvania sent Dickinson to the Stamp Act Congress in New York. His fellow commissioners (delegates) selected him to author the Congress’s chief pronouncement, the “Declaration of the Rights and Grievances of the Colonists.” Although Parliament soon repealed the Stamp Act, two years later Parliament replaced it with the Townshend Acts. That action provoked the Farmer letters.


Rob Natelson
October 25, 2017 at 11:49AM

Tenth Amendment Center: Wisconsin Committee Passes Bill to Legalize Commercial Hemp Farming; Defy Federal Prohibition


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

MADISON, Wisc. (Oct. 25, 2017) – Last week, a Wisconsin Senate committee unanimously approved a bill that would legalize commercial industrial hemp production in the state, setting the foundation to end federal prohibition in effect.

A bipartisan coalition of 12 senators introduced Senate Bill 119 (SB119) in March. Under the proposed law, industrial hemp would be treated as an agricultural crop subject to regulation by the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection. Under SB119, the department would create a license authorizing the planting, growing, cultivating, harvesting, and processing of industrial hemp for “commercial purposes or research.”

The licensing program would be “shall issue,” meaning the department would be required to issue a license to any person meeting statutory requirements. Without this section, the department could deny applications for a myriad of reasons.

SB119 would require DATCP to promulgate rules for the administration of the licensing law, as well as for certifying industrial hemp and for developing programs for researching industrial hemp genetics.

The bill authorizes licensees to import, sell and retain industrial hemp seed. It also creates a structure to develop certified seed in the state. These are important provisions that would encourage the development of a hemp industry in Wisconsin. The federal government currently restricts the acquisition of seed. Encouraging seed development within the state would incentivize the hemp market.

The law does not require the state hemp program to conform to any federal regulations. How the program operates in practice will ultimately depend on how the DATCP formulates the rules.

On Oct, 18, the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Small Business and Tourism recommended SB119 for approval by a 9-0 vote.

There is a companion bill making its way through the Wisconsin House.

FEDERAL FARM BILL

Early in 2014, President Barack Obama signed a new farm bill into law, which included a provision allowing a handful of states to begin limited research programs growing hemp. The “hemp amendment”

…allows State Agriculture Departments, colleges and universities to grow hemp, defined as the non-drug oil-seed and fiber varieties of Cannabis, for academic or agricultural research purposes, but it applies only to states where industrial hemp farming is already legal under state law.

In short, current federal law authorizes the farming of hemp – by research institutions, or within state pilot programs – for research only. Farming for commercial purposes by individuals and businesses remains prohibited. AB183 ignores federal prohibition and authorizes commercial farming and production anyway.

OTHER STATES

By rejecting any need for federal approval, SB119 sets the stage to nullify the federal hemp ban in practice. Wisconsin could join with other states – including Colorado, Oregon, Maine, Massachusetts, California and Vermont – that have simply ignored federal prohibition and legalized industrial hemp production within their state borders.

While prospective hemp growers would still have to take federal law into consideration, by eliminating the state requirement for federal permission, the proposed Wisconsin law would clear away a major obstacle to widespread commercial hemp farming within the borders of the state.

Farmers in SE Colorado started harvesting the plant in 2013, and farmers in Vermont began harvesting in 2014, effectively nullifying federal restrictions on such agricultural activities. On Feb. 2, 2105, the Oregon hemp industry officially opened for business and one week later, the first license went to a small non-profit group. As more people engage in hemp production and the market grows within these states, more people will become emboldened creating an exponential wave, ultimately nullifying the federal ban in effect.

HUGE MARKET FOR HEMP

According to a 2005 Congressional Research Service report, the U.S. is the only developed nation that hasn’t developed an industrial hemp crop for economic purposes.

Experts suggest that the U.S. market for hemp is around $600 million per year. They count as many as 25,000 uses for industrial hemp, including food, cosmetics, plastics and bio-fuel. The U.S. is currently the world’s #1 importer of hemp fiber for various products, with China and Canada acting as the top two exporters in the world.

During World War II, the United States military relied heavily on hemp products, which resulted in the famous campaign and government-produced film, “Hemp for Victory!

WHAT’S NEXT

SB119 will now move to the full Senate for further consideration.


Mike Maharrey
October 25, 2017 at 11:19AM

Tenth Amendment Center: TAC Activist Pushes Back Against Local Government Bullying Tactics


From Tenth Amendment Center
...from Tenth Amendment Center

For Immediate Release Oct. 24, 2017

LEXINGTON, Ky. — The American Civil Liberties Union of Kentucky will represent Michael Maharrey in a lawsuit filed against him by the city after he attempted to obtain documents relating to surveillance cameras owned and operated by the Lexington Police Department (“LPD”).

“Honestly, I think it’s a bullying tactic more than anything,” Maharrey said. “I think the city thought it could just slap me with a lawsuit and I’d go away. Newsflash – I’m not going away.”

The LPD denied Maharrey’s records request citing a statute that exempts certain documents relating to homeland security, along with a second statute exempting certain “investigative reports.” On appeal, the attorney general’s office rejected both exemptions claimed by the LPD. At that point the city sued Maharrey.

“One of the fundamental principles of our government is transparency. The public has a right to know the actions of government officials and disseminate that information to others. City officials appear to be shirking their responsibility to provide records they are obligated to by law, simply because they don’t want the public to have access to them,” ACLU of Kentucky attorney Heather Gatnarek said.

National communications director for the Tenth Amendment Center, Maharrey formed a local organization, We See You Watching Lexington, to address surveillance issues in Lexington after the city installed cameras at the Berry Hill Skate Park over the summer. The open records request was part of We See You Watching Lexington’s efforts to learn more about surveillance and ensure some accountability exists.

“It turns out it doesn’t,” Maharrey said. “This lawsuit underscores the need for transparency and oversight when it comes to government surveillance in Lexington. The police clearly want to keep their surveillance programs hidden. We need to push for structural changes that will force government agencies in Fayette County to operate transparently.”

We See You Watching Lexington is working for the introduction and passage of a local ordinance that would take the first step toward limiting the unchecked use of surveillance technologies that violate basic privacy rights and feed into a broader national surveillance state.

ACLU of Kentucky Cooperating Attorney Clay Barkley of Strobo Barkley PLLC and ACLU of Kentucky Attorney Heather Gatnarek represent Maharrey.

###

We See You Watching Lexington is a coalition of people concerned about privacy and government surveillance in Lexington, Kentucky. Our goal is to “watch the watchers,” and ensure surveillance programs operated by the Lexington Police Department and other government agencies are transparent, accountable, and kept within strict parameters.


Michael Boldin
October 24, 2017 at 12:05PM